LINCOLN  ROOM 

UNIVERSITY  OF  ILLINOIS 
LIBRARY 


MEMORIAL 

the  Class  of  1901 


PERSONAL    RECOLLECTIONS 

OF 

ABRAHAM    LINCOLN 

AND 

THE  CIVIL  WAR 


PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS 

OF 

ABRAHAM    LINCOLN 

AND 

THE  CIVIL  WAR 


BY 

JAMES  R.  GILMORE 

(EDMUND  KIRKE) 

AUTHOR   OF    "AMONG    THE    PINES," 

"JOHN   SEVIER,   THE    COMMONWEALTH   BUILDER,'* 

"  THE  LIFE  OF  JAMES  A.  GARFIELDr"  ETC. 


JTOwstratrtr 


BOSTON 
L.   C.   PAGE   AND   COMPANY 

(INCORPORATED) 

1898 


Copyright,  1898 

BY  L.  C.  PAGE  AND  COMPANY 
(INCORPORATED) 


(STolontal 

Electrotyped  and  Printed  by  C.  H.  Simonds  &  Co. 
Boston,  U.  S.  A. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAP.  PAGE 

I.    MY  FIRST  INTERVIEW  WITH  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN  .         9 
II.     A  CABINET  SESSION  ON  A  MOMENTOUS  OCCASION.       23 

III.  THE  GREAT  UPRISING 33 

IV.  MY  FIRST  ACQUAINTANCE  WITH  HORACE  GREELEY       39 
V.    THE  CONCEPTION  OF  THE  EMANCIPATION  PROCLA- 
MATION .         .         .         .        .        .        .        .        .49 

VI.  THE  GENESIS  OF  THE  BOOK  "  AMONG  THE  PINES  "       65 

VII.  THE  EMANCIPATION  PROCLAMATION              •  .        .75 

VIII.  MY  CONNECTION  WITH  THE   NEW  YORK  TRIBUNE       86 

IX.  THE  DISSATISFACTION  WITH  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN  .      95 

X.  TRAVEL  IN  WAR  TIME    .        .        .        .        .        .104 

XL    WITH  «OLD  ROSEY" 114 

XII.  ROSECRANS  DECLINES  THE  PRESIDENTIAL  NOMINA- 
TION                ...     137 

XIII.  CONFERENCES  WITH  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN        .        .     148 

XIV.  THE  TRIBUNE  IN  THE  DRAFT  RIOTS       .        .        .     167 
XV.  THE  PROPOSED  RECESSION  OF  NORTH  CAROLINA  .     206 

XVI.     THE   PRELIMINARIES   TO    THE  PEACE  MISSION  OF 

1864 .        .230 

XVLI.    OUR  VISIT  TO  RICHMOND 248 

XVin.   THE  GREAT  CONSPIRACY  .  .    294 


ILLUSTRATIONS. 


ABRAHAM  LINCOLN         .  .         Frontispiece 

WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD 20 

HORACE  GREELEY 40 

W.  S.  ROSECRANS 101 

JAMES  A.  GARFIELD 118 

JAMES  F.  JAQUESS          ........  138 

U.  S.  GRANT  .                 226 

JEFFERSON  DAVIS  ......  261 


PREFACE. 


AMONG  the  many  disclosures  that  are  now  being  made 
in  regard  to  the  men  and  events  of  our  recent  Civil  War, 
none  are  more  interesting  than  those  which  relate  to  the 
eminent  man  who  guided  the  country  through  that  great 
crisis.  Each  fresh  disclosure  reveals  him  in  some  new 
aspect,  and  they  all  deepen  the  impression  that  he  was  a 
"providential  man,"  singularly  endowed,  and  specially 
commissioned,  for  the  vast  work  which  he  did  in  American 
history. 

It  was  my  good  fortune  to  know  him  well,  and  to  be,  at 
an  early  period  in  his  administration,  the  depositary  of  his 
confidential  views  on  national  policy,  and  also  his  trusted 
agent  in  the  attempted  carrying  out  of  some  of  his  more 
important  plans  in  connection  with  the  Civil  War.  There- 
fore it  has  been  represented  to  me  that  it  would  deepen  the 
universal  affection  and  reverence  for  this  great  and  good 
man,  if  I  were  to  make  public  what  I  know  of  the  inner  his- 
tory of  some  of  the  important  events  of  the  war  before  I 
go  hence  and  can  no  longer  speak  face  to  face  with  my 
countrymen.  For  this  reason  these  sketches  are  now  pub- 
lished. Some  of  them  appeared  during  the  war  in  the  col- 
umns of  the  Atlantic  Monthly  and  the  New  York  Tribune, 
but  the  larger  part  are  now  freshly  produced  from  notes 
made  while  the  events  were  transpiring,  and  from  a  some- 
what retentive  memory.  All  conversations  with  Mr. 

vii 


Vlii  PREFACE. 

Lincoln  it  was  my  habit  to  write  down  in  my  note-book 
within  twenty-four  hours  after  they  occurred,  and  hence 
I  am  able  to  reproduce,  after  the  lapse  of  more  than  thirty 
years,  his  very  words,  and  his  peculiarities  of  speech  and 
manner.  The  same  is  true  of  what  I  report  of  my  inter- 
views with  Generals  Grant  and  Rosecrans,  but  the  remark 
does  not  apply  to  what  I  relate  of  Horace  Greeley  and  the 
Hon.  Robert  J.  Walker,  I  having  been  in  such  frequent 
intercourse  with  those  gentlemen  as  to  render  such  accu- 
racy of  verbal  statement  both  unnecessary  and  impracti- 
cable. I  have  aimed  to  correctly  report  the  opinions  and 
sentiments  they  expressed  on  the  occasions  that  are 
mentioned,  but  the  language  used  is  my  own,  though  it 
doubtless  has  a  certain  verisimilitude  that  might  enable 
it  to  pass  as  their  own  phraseology. 

A  valued  friend,  who  ranks  as  one  of  the  ablest  of 
American  critics,  to  whom  I  have  submitted  these  "  Recol- 
lections "  for  the  purpose  of  deciding  whether  they  should, 
or  should  not,  be  given  book  publication,  has  just  written 
me  as  follows :  "  I  have  read  the  entire  manuscript  with 
very  much  interest  and  pleasure.  It  contains  a  great  deal 
that  is  new  to  me  and,  I  venture  to  say,  that  will  be 
new  to  nine  hundred  and  ninety-nine  out  of  a  thousand  of 
the  generation  who  took  no  active  part  in  the  affairs  of  the 
country  in  war  times.  Valuable  side-light  is  thrown  by 
your  disclosures  on  some  of  the  hidden  springs  and  inner 
workings  of  the  times,  and  it  appears  to  me  that  it  is 
worthy  to  be  preserved  on  account  of  its  intrinsic  value." 

In  the  hope  that  the  reader  may  concur  in  the  opinion 
of  this  most  excellent  gentleman,  this  volume  is  given  to 
the  public. 

JAMES  R.  GILMORE. 

LAKE  GEOKGE,  N.  Y.,  MAY  24,  1898. 


PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS 

OF 

ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

AND 

THE  CIVIL  WAR 


CHAPTER   I. 

MY  FIRST  INTERVIEW  WITH  PRESIDENT  LINCOLN. 

ON  Saturday,  the  13th  of  April,  1861, 1  was  at  Willard's 
Hotel,  Washington,  lured  there  by  a  restless  desire  to 
learn  something  of  the  probable  course  of  the  Lincoln  ad- 
ministration in  the  tremendous  crisis  that  was  then  upon 
the  country.  The  city  was  aflame  with  excitement  over 
the  attack  upon  Fort  Sumter,  accounts  of  which  were  ap- 
pearing almost  hourly  in  "  extras  "  of  the  daily  journals ; 
and  having  secured  a  copy  of  the  latest  "  extra,"  I  retired 
to  the  smoking-room  of  the  hotel,  directly  after  I  had 
breakfasted,  to  gather  the  news,  and  to  speculate  upon  the 
influence  which  this  breaking  out  of  actual  war  would  have 
upon  my  private  fortunes;  for,  however  devoted  a  man 
may  be  to  his  country,  his  first  thought,  in  the  face  of  any 
great  calamity,  is  of  himself  and  of  those  who  are  depend- 
ent on  him. 

While  thus  absorbed  in  gloomy  forebodings,  I  became 
conscious  that  I  was  undergoing  the  scrutiny  of  a  gentle- 

9 


10  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

man  who  sat  near  me,  also  engaged  in  the  morning  news- 
paper. I  gave  him  only  a  casual  glance,  but  that  was 
enough  to  show  that  he  was  a  man  past  middle  life,  and  of 
striking  personal  appearance.  He  was  of  the  medium 
stature,  with  broad  shoulders,  a  deep  chest,  and  a  capa- 
cious head  that  was  about  all  forehead.  His  features  were 
prominent,  his  eyes  deep  and  piercing,  and  they  had  the 
look  of  conscious  power  that  belongs  to  born  leaders  of 
men.  At  any  other  time  I  should  have  given  him  more 
attention,  but  just  then  I  was  absorbed  in  the  question, 
"  Are  not  those  cannon  of  Beauregard  sending  up  in  smoke 
the  work  of  my  lifetime  ?" 

Soon  the  gentleman  I  have  referred  to  rose  from  his 
seat,  and,  coming  directly  to  me,  said:  "Your  beard  dis- 
guises you,  but  I  know  you,  and  I  think  you  have  not 
forgotten  me." 

I  gave  him  a  quick  glance,  then  sprang  to  my  feet,  and, 
grasping  his  extended  hand,  exclaimed :  "  I  shall  never 
forget  you.  I  have  followed  your  every  step  since  I  was 
a  boy,  and  I  thank  God  that  you  are  left  to  serve  the 
country." 

With  a  stronger  grasp  of  the  hand,  he  said :  "  The  boy  is 
father  of  the  man,  —  you  are  the  same  enthusiastic  youth 
who  came  to  me  at  Natchez  some  twenty  years  ago." 

"  Enthusiastic  ?  Yes,  when  there  is  anything  to 
enthuse  over.  I  shouted  myself  hoarse  when  you  check, 
mated  Buchanan's  attempt  to  saddle  the  Lecompton  Consti- 
tution upon  Kansas.  That  act  alone  entitles  you  to  a 
national  monument." 

"  It  gratifies  me  to  have  you  say  so,"  he  said.  "  But 
tell  me  about  yourself ;  how  has  the  world  fared  with  you 
these  dozen  years  ?  " 

I  told  him;  but  as  I  propose  to  sink  the  personal  pro- 


FIRST  INTERVIEW   WITH  LINCOLN.  11 

noun  in  these  sketches,  as  far  as  possible,  what  was  said 
is  here  omitted. 

The  gentleman  who  had  thus  accosted  me  was  the  Hon. 
Robert  J.  Walker,  who  was  the  predecessor  of  Jefferson 
Davis  in  the  United  States  Senate  from  Mississippi,  and 
became  famous  by  his  able  management  of  the  Treasury 
Department  during  the  administration  of  President  Polk. 

If  the  reader  will  consult  any  encyclopaedia  published 
in  this  country  since  1850,  he  will  find  there  an  outline  of 
this  gentleman's  remarkable  career.  He  there  will  learn 
that  from  Feb.  22,  1824,  when,  a  young  man  of  only 
twenty-three,  he  brought  about  in  the  Harrisburg  Conven- 
tion the  nomination  of  Andrew  Jackson  for  the  presidency, 
until  the  9th  of  April,  1865,  when  Lee  surrendered  at  Ap- 
pomattox,  —  a  period  of  more  than  forty  years,  —  he  origi- 
nated very  many,  and  advocated  all,  of  the  great  movements 
that  have  contributed  to  the  progress  and  expansion  of  this 
country.  Then,  if  he  will  turn  to  the  debates  in  the 
United  States  Senate  between  1836  and  1843,  and  read 
the  speeches  which  he,  a  Southern  Senator,  representing  a 
State  in  close  affiliation  with  South  Carolina,  had  the  cour- 
age to  utter  in  defence  of  the  Union  and  in  denunciation 
of  John  C.  Calhoun,  the  great  giant  of  Nullification,  he  will 
learn  something  of  the  rare  qualities  of  the  man,  his  lofty 
purpose,  his  breadth  of  view,  and  his  serene  intrepidity  in 
the  face  of  an  almost  overwhelming  antagonism.  Those 
speeches  stirred  my  blood  when  a  boy  ;  but  nothing  in  Mr. 
Walker's  whole  career  ever  thrilled  me  with  such  enthusi- 
astic admiration  as  his  long  and  single-handed  struggle 
with  the  Calhoun  heresy  in  Mississippi.  In  November, 
1832,  the  State  was  ready  to  follow  South  Carolina  in  its 
repudiation  of  the  laws  of  the  United  States,  but  Robert  J. 
Walker  mounted  the  "  stump,"  and  by  his  single  voice  held 


12  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

it  back  from  a  mad  plunge  into  Nullification.  He  followed 
this  up  in  1833  by  a  series  of  articles  in  the  Natchez 
Journal  that  won  the  enthusiastic  approval  of  ex-Presi- 
dent Madison ;  and  he  kept  up  the  agitation  until  January, 
1836,  when  Mississippi  came  fully  over  to  his  side,  and 
sent  him  to  continue  the  conflict  with  Calhoun  on  the  floor 
of  the  United  States  Senate.  In  all  the  history  of  this 
country  there  is  nothing  more  magnificent  than  this  single- 
handed  struggle  of  Robert  J.  "Walker,  not  merely  with  the 
one  giant,  Calhoun,  but  with  all  the  forces  of  Nullification 
in  the  entire  Southern  country. 

His  whole  career  had  been  disinterestedly  patriotic,  and 
it  was  not  surprising  that  at  the  opening  of  our  great  civil 
conflict  he  should  part  company  with  many  of  his  former 
political  associates,  and  come  out  openly,  strongly,  and 
uncompromisingly  in  support  of  the  Union.  I  was  in 
familiar  intercourse  with  him  when  I  was  but  a  strip- 
ling, but  at  this  time  I  had  not  met  him  for  several  years. 
There  was,  therefore,  something  to  say  between  us  of  a 
personal  character.  When  this  had  been  gone  over,  he 
asked:  "What  do  you  think  of  the  present  situation?" 

"That  we  are  among  the  rocks  on  a  lee  shore,  with 
neither  Robert  J.  Walker  nor  Andrew  Jackson  to  keep  us 
from  the  breakers.  I  have  recently  been  through  the  in- 
terior, from  Charleston  to  Key  West,  and  every  man  I 
met  was  jubilant  over  the  prospect  of  being  soon  rid 
of  the  Yankees.  If  Sumter  falls,  —  as  it  inevitably  will, 
—  and  Lincoln  attempts  to  recover  it,  —  as  he  is  bound 
to  do,  —  we  shall  have  to  encounter  the  entire  seaboard 
people." 

At  this  point  Mr.  Walker  rose,  and  beckoned  to  a  gen- 
tleman who  had  just  entered  the  room  and  was  closely 
regarding  us.  He  was  a  tall,  spare  man,  of  about  Mr. 


FIRST  INTERVIEW  WITH  LINCOLN.  13 

Walker's  age,  and  he  had  a  shrewd,  thoughtful  appear- 
ance. Negligently  clad  in  a  loose-fitting  suit  of  gray,  he 
looked  more  like  a  much-engrossed  man  of  business  than  a 
statesman ;  but  Mr.  Walker  introduced  him  to  me  as  Sec- 
retary Cameron  of  the  Lincoln  administration.  As  he 
took  a  chair  near  us,  Mr.  Walker  said :  "  Mr.  Cameron,  this 
gentleman  is  just  the  one  you  want  to  meet.  He  knows 
every  acre  of  the  cotton-growing  country,  and,  except 
Texas,  has  recently  been  over  all  the  States  in  secession. 
He  can  tell  you  the  feeling  of  the  seaboard  people,  and 
their  probable  course  in  this  emergency." 

Mr.  Cameron  remarked  that  he  was  very  glad  to  meet 
me ;  but  expressed  a  fear  that  an  interview  in  so  public  a 
place  would  attract  attention,  and  suggested  that  we  should 
adjourn  to  some  private  apartment.  Then  "  Governor " 
Walker  —  as  Mr.  Cameron  styled  him  —  secured  such  a 
room  at  the  hotel  office,  and  soon  we  were  seated  there  in 
a  conversation  that  lasted  something  more  than  two  hours. 
I  shall  not  attempt  to  detail  it;  I  kept  no  notes  of  what 
was  said ;  the  substance  of  it,  however,  was  repeated  soon 
afterwards  in  an  interview  with  Mr.  Lincoln,  of  which  I 
entered  a  full  account  in  my  note-book.  This  interview 
was  requested  by  Mr.  Cameron,  and  arranged  for  by  him 
for  two  o'clock  that  afternoon. 

At  two  o'clock  precisely,  Governor  Walker  and  I  were 
ushered  into  Mr.  Lincoln's  private  room  at  the  White 
House.  Mr.  Cameron  was  there,  and  near  him,  seated  in 
a  large  armchair,  was  a  tall  man,  in  an  ill-fitting  suit  of 
black,  whom  I  recognized  from  his  portraits  to  be  Mr. 
Lincoln.  He  rose  as  we  entered,  and,  greeting  Mr.  Walker 
with  great  cordiality,  he  said :  "  So,  Governor,  this  is  the 
gentleman  who  knows  all  about  the  South,  and  can  tell  us 
how  high  that  raccoon  is  going  to  spring." 


14  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

"  He  can  give  you  a  very  shrewd  guess,  Mr.  President," 
said  Mr.  Walker,  "  for  he  knows  the  South  thoroughly." 

While  this  was  being  said,  I  scanned  somewhat  closely 
Mr.  Lincoln's  personal  appearance.  He  was  exceedingly 
tall,  and  so  gaunt  that  he  seemed  even  above  his  actual 
height  of  six  feet,  four  inches ;  but  he  was  not  —  as  very 
tall  men  often  are  —  ungainly  in  either  manner  or  atti- 
tude. As  he  leaned  back  in  his  chair,  he  had  an  air  of 
unstudied  ease,  a  kind  of  careless  dignity,  that  well  be- 
came his  station;  and  yet  there  was  not  a  trace  of  self- 
consciousness  about  him.  He  seemed  altogether  forgetful 
of  himself  and  his  position,  and  entirely  engrossed  in  the 
subject  that  was  under  discussion.  He  had  a  large  head, 
covered  with  coarse  dark  hair  that  was  thrown  carelessly 
back  from  a  spacious  forehead.  His  features  also  were 
large  and  prominent,  the  nose  heavy  and  somewhat  Ro- 
man, the  cheeks  thin  and  furrowed,  the  skin  bronzed,  the 
lips  full,  the  mouth  wide,  but  played  about  by  a  smile  that 
was  very  winning.  At  my  first  glance  he  impressed  me  as 
a  very  homely  man,  for  his  features  were  ill-assorted  and 
none  of  them  was  perfect,  but  this  was  before  I  had  seen 
him  smile,  or  met  the  glance  of  his  deep  set,  dark  gray  eye, 

—  the  deepest,  saddest,  and  yet  kindliest,  eye  I  had  ever 
seen  in  a  human  being.     I  had  been  prejudiced  against 
him,  but  with  the  first  words  he  addressed  to  me  the  preju- 
dice vanished,  and,  feeling  perfectly  at  my  ease,  I  answered 
his  request  to  tell  him  all  I  knew  about  the  South,  by  say- 
ing: "It  is  a  large  subject,  Mr.  Lincoln ;  where  shall  I  begin?" 

He  said :  "  Wherever  you  like  ;  and  take  your  own  time 
and  way  about  it." 

"  Then,  sir,  permit  me  to  give  you  a  general  opinion  of 
the  Southern  people  from  one  who  was  born  among  them, 

—  Mr.  Bennett  Flanner,  of  Wilmington,  N.  C.     He  was  a 


FIRST  INTERVIEW   WITH  LINCOLN.  15 

shrewd  observer  of  men  and  things,  a  most  excellent  man, 
and  a  class-leader  in  the  Methodist  Church.  He  had 
consigned  his  produce  to  our  Boston  house  from  time  im- 
memorial, and  every  summer  he  came  on  and  spent  a  fort- 
night with  our  senior  partners.  The  firm  owned  a  tract  of 
about  a  hundred  thousand  acres  of  timber  land  in  Maine, 
and  one  summer  the  senior  partners  asked  Mr.  Flanner  to 
go  down  with  them  and  take  a  look  at  it.  He  went,  and 
when  he  returned  he  came  to  me  and  said :  '  Ah,  my  boy, 
I've  seen  them  all  now,  —  all  the  Yankees.  I  had  seen  the 
York  Yankees  and  the  Boston  Yankees,  and  now  I've  seen 
the  down-east  Yankees,  —  they're  all  a  right  cute  sort  of 
folk;  but,  after  all,  the  damnedest  Yankees  on  the  face 
of  the  earth  are  the  Southern  Yankees.' ' 

"  Then,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  with  the  smile  that  made  his 
homely  features  good-looking,  "  you  agree  with  Mr.  Flanner 
that  the  Southern  people  are  the  highest  style  of  Yankees  ?  " 

I  answered  that  I  did ;  that  they  were  of  the  same  race 
as  ourselves,  but  unmixed  with  our  degraded  foreign  ele- 
ment, and  with  our  every  trait  intensified  hi  consequence 
of  having  a  servile  race  to  support  them  in  idleness.  Of 
course,  there  is  every  variety  of  character  among  them,  but 
they  are  all  like  Jeremiah's  figs,  — "  the  good  very  good, 
the  bad  not  fit  to  feed  the  pigs."  As  politicians,  the 
meanest  man  among  them  had  not  his  equal  in  the  North- 
ern States. 

"  And  what  is  the  feeling  of  those  people  towards  the 
Government  ?  "  asked  Mr.  Lincoln. 

I  then  went  on  to  say  that  I  thought  the  masses  —  not 
the  politicians  —  were,  until  a  little  time  before,  quite  in- 
different as  to  the  extension  or  non-extension  of  slavery ; 
that  the  slave-owners,  who  were  the  inciters  of  the  present 
trouble,  were  a  very  small  minority  of  the  Southern  people, 


16  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

numbering,  all  told,  only  about  200,000.  The  small  slave- 
holders were  mostly  planters,  and  many  among  them  be- 
lieved, what  I  had  often  told  them,  that  they  could  raise 
their  produce  cheaper  by  hired  than  by  slave  labor.  And 
the  non-slaveholders  were  generally  satisfied  to  let  things 
go  on  as  they  were,  not  caring  very  much  which  party  was 
in  power ;  but  when  he  was  nominated  for  the  presidency, 
they  were  told  that  he  was  an  Abolitionist,  and  worse,  that 
he  had  negro  blood  in  hia  veins ;  and  that  both  from  blood 
and  principle  he  was  bound  to  go  to  the  length  of  freeing 
the  slave,  and  placing  him  on  a  political  equality  with  the 
white.  Political  equality,  in  many  districts  of  the  South, 
would  mean  negro  domination,  —  and  the  domination  of 
the  lowest  type  of  negro,  —  which  no  Southern,  or  even 
Northern,  white  man  would  submit  to. 

"Do  you  think  the  Southern  people  believe  such  absurd- 
ities ? "  asked  Mr.  Lincoln. 

I  answered  that  I  knew  it  to  be  the  general  opinion 
among  what  are  called  the  masses.  They  were  fairly  in- 
telligent men,  the  bone  and  sinew  of  the  South ;  but  the 
most  of  them  were  never  a  hundred  miles  from  home, 
never  saw  a  decent  Yankee,  and  never  read  anything  but 
what  the  politicians  chose  to  tell  them  in  the  Southern 
newspapers.  Let  a  Northern  army  be  sent  among  them, 
and  every  man  of  them  would  become  a  soldier,  and  would 
fight  to  the  last  gasp  in  defence  of  his  fireside.  They  had 
no  idea  of  any  allegiance  to  the  General  Government. 
They  had  been  reared  in  the  doctrine  of  State  Eights,  and 
so  when  their  States  secede  they  would  go  with  them,  feeling 
sure  that  they  were  doing  their  duty  to  their  country. 

"  Then,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  "  our  only  hope  is  in  concili- 
ating the  leaders.  Would  not  one  good,  decisive  victory 
bring  them  to  their  senses  ? " 


FIRST  INTERVIEW   WITH  LINCOLN.  17 

"  No,  sir,"  I  replied,  "  not  ten  victories.  The  leaders 
have  gone  into  this  struggle  to  win,  at  any  cost  of  time 
and  treasure.  Those  who  are  not  self-seeking  scoundrels, 
like  Toombs  and  Wigfall,  are  fanatics,  like  Jeff  Davis  and 
Alexander  Stephens,  and  both  words  and  concession  would 
be  wasted  upon  them.  They  have  planned  this  thing  for 
over  thirty  years,  —  ever  since  our  friend  Mr.  Walker  and 
General  Jackson  scotched  the  snake,  Nullification.  They 
could  not  kill  it,  and  it  soon  came  to  life  again,  in  the  form 
of  Secession.  The  only  way  to  bring  the  South  to  its 
senses  is  to  put  down  the  Secession  leaders." 

"  Then,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  "  we  must  separate  one  class 
from  the  other.  Are  not  their  interests  the  same  ?  " 

I  answered  that  they  were  not;  that  the  leaders  were 
all  slave-owners.  The  great  body  of  the  Southern  people 
were  not  slave-owners ;  their  property  was  in  lands,  houses, 
and  merchandise,  and  if  they  employed  slaves,  they  paid 
wages  to  their  masters ;  and  they  would  pay  the  same  to 
the  slaves  if  they  were  emancipated.  I  knew  hundreds  of 
cotton  and  turpentine  producers  who  used  altogether  hired 
slave  labor.  I  also  knew  as  many  slave-owners  whose  entire 
income  was  from  thus  hiring  out  their  slaves.  So  long  as 
it  would  be  as  cheap  to  the  producer  to  pay  wages  to  the 
slave  as  to  the  master,  he  could  have  no  interest  in  se- 
cession. If  he  were  at  that  time  opposed  to  the  Govern- 
ment, it  was  only  because  he  believed  its  policy  was  to  put 
the  negro  on  an  equality  with  the  white  man. 

"Then,"  remarked  Mr.  Lincoln,  "the  Abolitionists  are 
right  in  saying  that  slavery  is  the  root  of  the  whole  evil." 

"  They  are,  sir.  The  slave-owners  control  the  South,  — 
control  it  because  of  their  wealth,  and  their  wealth  is  in 
their  slaves.  A  man  in  the  South  is  not  worth  so  many 
•dollars,  but  so  many  negroes.  They  have  gone  into  the 


18  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

rebellion  to  protect  that  kind  of  property,  and  you  can't 
put  it  down  until  you  deprive  them  of  it." 

"  But  you  are  aware  that  I  have  no  constitutional  right 
to  abolish  slavery." 

"  Except  as  a  war  measure.  But  seven  States  have 
already  declared  themselves  independent,  and  begun  a  war 
in  Charleston  harbor." 

"  Yes,"  he  answered,  "  such  doings  look  like  war ;  but 
whether  we  have  had  cannon-balls  enough  to  justify  ex- 
treme measures  is  the  question.  We  won't  discuss  that. 
But  tell  me,  Mr.  Gilmore,  what  would  you  do  if  you  were 
in  my  place,  —  bound  as  I  am  to  support  the  Constitution  ?  " 

"  Pardon  me,  Mr.  Lincoln,  I  think  you  have  invited  me 
here  to  give  you  facts,  and  not  opinions.  Governor  Walker 
is  the  one  to  answer  such  a  question." 

"  I  know  he's  our  American  Solon.  He's  in  favor  of 
cutting  straight  across  lots ;  but  it's  safer  to  go  around  by 
the  road,  and,  sometimes,  you  get  there  just  as  soon.  The 
Governor  is  a  statesman ;  you  are  a  man  of  the  people,  and 
that  is  just  the  reason  I  want  to  know  what  you  would  do 
in  the  present  circumstances." 

"  Well,  Mr.  Lincoln,  as  you  put  it  on  that  ground  I  will 
answer  your  question.  If  I  were  in  your  place,  sir,  I  should 
announce  at  once  to  the  seven  States  in  secession  that  if 
they  did  not  return  to  their  allegiance  within  a  specified 
time  —  say  ninety  days  —  I  would  free  every  one  of  their 
negroes.  And  I  should  give  a  like  notice  to  every  State 
that  follows  them  into  secession.  The  result  would  proba- 
bly be  the  freeing  of  every  slave  in  the  South ;  but  for  that 
you  would  be  in  no  way  responsible.  The  slaveholders 
would  have  brought  it  upon  themselves." 

"And  do  you  suppose  the  North  would  sustain  me  in 
any  such  measure  ?  Don't  you  know  that  the  Abolitionists, 


FIRST  INTERVIEW  WITH  LINCOLN.  19 

have  been  working  for  thirty  years  to  bring  the  North  to 
that  way  of  thinking  ?  And  with  what  result  ?  A  cor- 
poral's guard,  and  not  a  party." 

"  I  can  only  judge  of  others  by  myself,  Mr.  Lincoln. 
For  more  than  twenty  years  I  have  been  in  the  closest 
relations  with  the  South ;  my  best  friends  are  there ;  and 
four-fifths  of  all  I  have  in  the  world  will  go  up  in  smoke  if 
we  have  a  war  of  any  considerable  duration ;  but  I  would 
rather  see  it  all  go  than  leave  to  my  children  a  disorganized 
and  disunited  country.  Other  men  feel  as  I  do,  and  they 
will  require  you  to  remove  from  the  nation  this  apple  of 
perpetual  discord." 

"  They  may,  if  they  are  brought  to  see  things  as  you  see 
them.  And  they  would  find  me  willing  —  I  may  say 
eager  —  to  listen.  But  you  must  bear  in  mind  that  I  have 
no  right  to  emancipate  the  slaves,  except  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  Union." 

"  I  understand,  —  it  must  be  a  war  measure,  forced  upon 
you  by  the  pressure  of  positive  necessity." 

"  Or  the  overwhelming  sentiment  of  the  North,"  said 
Mr.  Lincoln.  "  That  I  should  heed,  and  heed  gladly.  I 
am,  you  know,  only  the  servant  of  the  people.  Educate 
them  up  to  such  a  measure,  and  I  will  do  their  and  your 
bidding." 

"  It  seems  to  me,  sir,  that  nothing  more  can  now  be  ex- 
pected of  you.  Anything  so  revolutionary  as  the  emanci- 
pation of  the  slaves  might  be  allowed  to  wait  until  the 
intentions  of  the  Southern  people  are  more  fully  developed. 
You  can  dismiss  all  thought  of  conciliating  the  politicians ; 
but  you  can  hope  for  an  amicable  adjustment  of  affairs, 
and  a  restored  Union,  by  showing  both  by  word  and  act  a 
friendly  disposition  towards  the  Southern  people.  There- 
fore, I  should  suggest  no  invasion  of  their  homes,  and,  in 


20  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

your  military  operations,  a  strictly  defensive  policy.  But 
all  your  friendly  professions  they  will  regard  as  false  so 
long  as  Mr.  Seward  is  a  member  of  your  Cabinet.  They 
regard  him  as  their  arch  enemy ;  and  from  his  prominence 
and  ability  they  will  believe  that  he  is  really  the  soul  and 
brains  of  your  administration." 

"Then  they  consider  Seward  as  the  King-devil?"  said 
Mr.  Lincoln,  smiling. 

"  Yes,  sir,"  I  answered ;  "  both  politicians  and  people  re- 
gard him  as  the  incarnation  of  all  evil,  —  a  man  of  ability, 
but  false,  hypocritical,  time-serving,  and  cowardly.  If  the 
leaders  had  not  thought  him  a  coward,  I  question  if  they 
would  have  fired  upon  Fort  Sumter.  They  would  not  have 
done  so,  had  such  a  man  as  Andrew  Jackson  or  Robert  J. 
Walker  been  in  your  Cabinet." 

"  Come,  come,  Mr.  Gilmore,"  said  Mr.  Walker,  hastily, 
"  omit  any  reference  to  me." 

"  None  is  necessary,  Governor,"  I  said,  "  for  it  is  plain 
that  Mr.  Lincoln  has  the  opinion  of  you  that  I  have.  But 
he  has  asked  me  here  to  tell  him  what  I  know  and  think ; 
now,  I  know  that  I  have  expressed  the  Southern  opinion 
of  Mr.  Seward,  and  I  think  that  if  Mr.  Lincoln  listens  to 
the  timid  advice  which  Mr.  Seward,  from  his  extreme  cau- 
tion, is  sure  to  give  him,  he  will  run  the  country  upon  the 
rocks,  where  no  earthly  power  can  save  it  from  going  to 
pieces." 

"  But  you  would  not  have  me  discard  a  wise  councillor 
at  the  bidding  of  a  mob,  and  a  Southern  mob  at  that?" 
said  Mr.  Lincoln. 

"  Is  he  a  wise  councillor,  sir,  if  Mr.  Cameron  is  right  in 
saying  that  he  thinks  this  storm  will  blow  over  in  ninety 
days?  If  he  can  say  that,  after  a  dozen  years'  intimate 
intercourse  with  the  Southern  leaders,  is  his  judgment  to 


FIRST  INTERVIEW   WITH  LINCOLN.  21 

be  trusted  ?  Understand  me,  Mr.  Lincoln ;  I  have  no  per- 
sonal antagonism  to  Mr.  Seward.  I  have  never  met  him. 
I  doubt  if  I  should  know  him  if  we  were  to  meet  upon  the 
street." 

"Well,  well,"  remarked  Mr.  Lincoln,  with  his  peculiar 
smile,  "  I  guess  the  Southern  people  would  hang  Seward  if 
they  should  catch  him.  But  now  tell  me  how  you  would 
go  to  work  to  put  down  this  rebellion  ?  " 

I  smiled  broadly,  as  I  answered,  "  First,  you  ask  me,  sir, 
a  question  that  only  a  statesman  can  answer ;  and  now  one 
fit  for  only  a  military  man.  Do  you  ask  this,  also,  because 
I  am  one  of  the  people  ?  " 

"  No,"  he  answered,  again  smiling.  "  I  ask  this  because 
you  are  a  practical  man,  —  one,  I  take  it,  who  never  meets 
an  obstacle  without  seeking  a  way  to  overcome  it.  You 
must  have  thought  a  good  deal  on  the  subject ;  now  give 
me  the  result  of  your  thinking." 

"  Well,  sir,  I  was  very  much  struck  in  reading  awhile 
ago  the  plan  of  the  British  Cabinet  for  subduing  the  re- 
volted colonies.  It  was  brought  to  my  attention  by  my 
former  business  partner,  Mr.  Frederic  Kidder,  of  Boston, 
a  man  twenty  years  my  senior,  of  very  sound  judgment, 
and  thoroughly  acquainted  with  the  South.  The  British 
commanders  tried  to  put  it  in  execution  on  three  distinct 
occasions,  and  on  each  occasion  they  were  thwarted  only 
by  what  we  call  accidental  circumstances.  But  for  these 
circumstances  —  over  which  neither  Washington  nor  the 
Continental  Congress  had  any  control  whatever  —  they 
would  have  succeeded,  and  we  probably  have  been  to-day 
no  nearer  a  national  existence  than  Canada.  The  plan 
was  to  divide  the  Southern  colonies  by  a  line  running 
westward  from  Charleston,  also  to  separate  New  England 
from  the  middle  colonies  by  the  Hudson  River,  and  to 


22  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTION 8. 

crush  each  section  separately.  I  have  never  seen  the  plan 
fully  stated  except  in  a  '  History  of  the  American  War,' 
by  Stedman,  a  prominent  officer  under  Cornwallis ;  but  it 
may  be  distinctly  traced  in  the  operations  of  the  British 
armies." 

Mr.  Lincoln  then  said:  "The  principle  is  right, — 'divide 
and  conquer,'  —  but  how  would  you  apply  it  to  our  present 
circumstances  ?  " 

I  then  went  on  to  give  him  Mr.  Kidder's  ideas,  —  stating 
that  they  were  his  and  not  my  own,  and  that  he  had  given 
a  good  deal  of  thought  to  the  subject.  He  and  the  others 
frequently  interrupted  me  with  questions,  but  the  discus- 
sion was  too  lengthy  to  be  here  repeated.  I  need  here  only 
say  that  the  plan  was  in  effect  executed  by  General  Sher- 
man in  his  "  march  to  the  sea,"  and  that  Mr.  Lincoln  in- 
tended to  carry  it  out  in  1863  by  swinging  North  Carolina 
out  of  the  Confederacy,  as  I  shall  relate  hereafter. 

At  the  end  of  a  long  two  hours  Governor  Walker  and  I 
took  our  leave,  Mr.  Lincoln  inviting  me  to  call  on  him 
when  I  was  again  in  Washington.  As  we  left  the  White 
House  the  newsboys  were  crying.  "  Fort  Sumter  on  fire  — 
the  barracks  burning;"  and  a  few  hours  later  Major  An- 
derson lowered  the  flag  of  the  Union  at  the  bidding  of  the 
Confederates. 


CHAPTER  II. 

A  CABINET  SESSION  ON  A  MOMENTOUS  OCCASION. 

A  BRIEF  telegraphic  account  of  the  surrender  of  Fort 
Sumter  appeared  in  the  Washington  newspapers  on  the 
following  morning,  and  I  had  just  finished  the  reading  of  it 
when  Robert  J.  Walker  laid  his  hand  upon  my  shoulder, 
saying:  "The  blow  has  fallen!  What  mortal  man  can 
foresee  the  consequences?" 

"  I  cannot,"  I  replied.  "  But  it  seems  to  me  that  much 
will  depend  upon  the  prompt  action  of  the  Government. 
Any  weakness  shown  now  will  be  fatal." 

"  Well,"  he  said,  "  we  must  possess  our  souls  in  patience 
until  to-morrow.  They  may  talk  things  over  to-day,  but 
will  take  no  action  on  Sunday.  Meanwhile,  suppose  we  go 
to  church  and  get  our  minds  into  a  submissive  mood." 

A  little  after  noon  on  the  following  day  he  came  to  me 
again  at  Willard's  Hotel,  saying :  "  The  Cabinet  must  by 
this  time  have  finished  its  session,  and  I  am  impatient  to 
hear  what  action  they  have  decided  on.  Come,  go  with  me 
to  Cameron  ;  I  don't  like  to  bother  Mr.  Lincoln." 

We  found  Mr.  Cameron  at  his  desk  in  his  private  room 
at  the  War  Department,  and,  looking  up,  he  said :  "  Ah, 
gentlemen,  I  am  glad  to  see  you.  Be  seated.  I  know 
what  you  have  come  for,  and  I'll  be  through  in  a  few 
minutes,  —  as  soon  as  I  draft  this  telegram." 

Soon   he  looked   up   again,  and  said   to   Mr.  Walker: 

23 


24  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

"  Governor,  let  me  read  this  to  you,  —  you  are  more  fa- 
miliar with  these  things  than  I  am.  It  is  a  call  on  the 
States  for  75,000  troops." 

Mr.  Walker  pronounced  the  paper  in  proper  form,  and 
then  Mr.  Cameron,  ringing  for  a  subordinate  and  telling 
him  to  see  that  the  despatches  were  sent  off  at  once,  turned 
about  on  his  chair  and  told  us  that  the  President  had  de- 
cided to  issue  a  call  for  75,000  men,  and  a  proclamation 
convening  Congress  for  an  extra  session  on  the  4th  of  July. 
At  the  Cabinet  meeting  he,  Cameron,  had  proposed  a  call 
for  500,000  men ;  a  close  blockade  of  the  Southern  ports ; 
the  capture  of  Charleston  and  New  Orleans,  and  the  giving 
of  freedom  to  all  slaves  who  should  desert  their  masters, 
and  join  the  Union  armies ;  but  his  suggestions  had  been 
strongly  opposed  by  Mr.  Seward,  on  the  ground  that  such 
decisive  measures  would  close  the  door  for  any  reconcilia- 
tion with  the  seceded  States.  Mr.  Lincoln  had  coupled  the 
call  for  Congress  and  for  75,000  troops  together,  as  a  com- 
promise between  the  views  of  Mr.  Seward  and  Mr.  Cam- 
eron, remarking  that  the  Congress  would  be  fresh  from  the 
people,  and  would  represent  the  public  will ;  which  he 
should  be  ready  to  heed  if  it  demanded  an  energetic  war 
and  a  call  for  half  a  million,  or  even  a  million,  of  men.  It 
was  clear  to  Mr.  Cameron  that  his  suggestions  would  have 
been  adopted  but  for  the  strenuous  opposition  of  Mr. 
Seward. 

"Well,"  said  Mr.  Walker,  "he  has  probably  made  us 
miss  our  only  chance.  This  action  will  have  no  more 
effect  than  the  letting  off  of  a  boy's  cannon.  Of  course, 
you  said  all  that  could  be  said  against  it  ?  " 

Mr.  Cameron  said  that  he  had ;  and  then  went  on  to 
give,  at  Mr.  Walker's  suggestion,  a  pretty  full  report  of  the 
Cabinet  meeting.  There  was,  he  said,  a  full  attendance, 


A   CABINET  SESSION.  25 

and  when  all  had  come  together,  Mr.  Lincoln  turned  to 
him,  and  said :  "  Well,  Cameron,  war  seems  to  be  upon  us. 
Now,  what  do  you  propose  to  do  about  it  ?  "  Mr.  Cameron 
answered  that  he  had  given  a  good  deal  of  thought  to  that 
plan  of  the  British  for  subduing  the  American  colonies, 
which  was  discussed  in  the  President's  room  on  the  pre- 
vious Saturday,  and  he  had  concluded  it  was  entirely  appli- 
cable to  the  present  situation. 

Mr.  Lincoln  remarked  :  "  The  plan  seems  to  be  a  good 
one ;  but  how  are  we  to  carry  it  out,  —  where  get  the  ships, 
the  men,  and  the  money  ? " 

Mr.  Cameron  answered  that  we  should  not  need  many 
ships;  small  coasting-vessels,  armed  with  a  single  gun, 
would  largely  serve  the  purpose,  and  five  hundred  of  these 
would  be  idle  in  the  Northern  ports  the  moment  a  blockade 
was  proclaimed.  Quite  a  number  were  then  in  the  South- 
ern ports,  and  would,  of  course,  be  seized  upon  by  the 
Confederates  and  armed  with  the  guns  Mr.  Floyd  had 
provided  for  the  occasion ;  but  he  had  no  fear  that  they 
would  do  us  any  material  damage ;  for,  whatever  the 
Southerner  might  be  on  land,  on  the  water  he  would  be 
no  match  for  our  Yankee  seamen. 

Mr.  Lincoln  said  that  he  could  believe  that.  But  he 
asked :  "  How  many  men  will  be  needed  —  soldiers  and 
seamen  —  to  carry  out  this  programme  ?  " 

Mr.  Cameron  answered  that  he  did  not  know ;  it  would 
depend  on  the  Confederate  operations.  To  uniformly  whip 
them,  he  thought  we  should  need  twice  their  number 
wherever  they  might  assail  us;  not  because  they  were 
better  men  than  ours,  but  better  trained  and  accustomed  to 
the  use  of  the  rifle.  However,  whether  the  men  were 
needed  or  not,  he  should  recommend  the  calling  out  at 
once  of  half  a  million ;  it  would  require  all  of  that  number 


26  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

to  convince  the  Confederates  that  the  Government  was  in 
earnest. 

Mr.  Lincoln  looked  incredulous,  as  he  asked :  "  Would 
the  North  respond  to  any  such  call  ?  Would  not  the 
people  laugh  at  us,  —  say  we  had  been  struck  with  a 
panic  ?  " 

Mr  Cameron  thought  no  one  could  have  that  opinion 
who  reflected  that  the  Government  was  coolly  doing  its 
duty  in  the  very  hotbed  of  Secession,  and  with  Baltimore 
between  it  and  any  safety.  As  to  the  country  responding 
to  a  call  for  500,000  men,  he  thought  New  England  and 
the  West  would  respond  for  their  quota  before  a  day  was 
over.  Governor  Andrew,  of  Massachusetts,  alone  had  5,000 
men,  equipped  and  ready  to  march  at  an  hour's  notice,  and 
the  West  was  a  tinder-box ,  that  would  blaze  up  the  moment 
a  match  was  applied  to  it.  That  match  would  be  the  fall  of 
Fort  Sumter,  which  would  prove  a  boomerang  to  the  South. 
They  might  as  well  have  let  it  alone !  They  only  meant 
to  fire  the  Southern  heart,  but  they  forgot  that  it  might 
have  a  like  effect  upon  the  North.  His  only  doubt  was  about 
New  York.  The  interests  of  its  people  were  largely  inter- 
woven with  those  of  the  South.  They  felt  friendly  to  it, 
and  would  dislike  to  see  it  coerced.  But  Robert  J.  Walker 
could  straighten  that  State  out  in  a  fortnight.  The  fact 
that  he,  a  Southern  man,  the  predecessor  of  Jeff  Davis  in 
the  United  States  Senate,  the  prime  mover  in  the  annexa- 
tion of  Texas,  and  in  all  great  Southern  projects,  except 
the  extension  of  slavery,  for  the  last  third  of  a  century, 
— the  fact  that  he  counselled  a  patriotic  support  of  the 
Union,  would  have  immense  weight  with  the  timid  and 
temporizing  at  the  North. 

Evidently  gratified,  Governor  Walker  interrupted  Mr. 
Cameron,  by  saying :  "  I  thank  you  for  thinking  of  me,  — 


A    CABINET  SESSION.  27 

I  am  ready  to  do  my  duty  in  any  capacity.  But  go  on. 
What  did  Mr.  Lincoln  say  to  this  ?  " 

"  He  said  that  there  might  be  something  in  what  I  said ; 
but  he  asked :  '  Having  got  your  half  a  million  men,  and 
money  to  handle  them,  what  would  you  do  ? '  I  answered 
that  I  would  first  secure  Washington,  and  the  route  to  it 
from  its  base  of  supplies,  —  the  North.  Then  I  would  put 
the  few  forts  we  still  hold  in  the  seceded  States  in  an 
impregnable  position,  and  recover  and  rebuild  Sumter, — 
which  we  must  do,  or  admit  that  we  are  not  a  government. 
That  done,  I  would  capture  Charleston  and  New  Orleans, 
and  hermetically  seal  up  the  seven  seceded  States  till  they 
fretted  themselves  into  submission  to  the  Constitution. 

" '  I  see,'  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  '  you  would  carry  out  that 
British  plan.  I  think  it  would  be  easier  said  than  done. 
How  would  you  do  it  ? ' 

"  I  answered  that,  with  Charleston  as  a  base,  I  would 
throw  a  line  of  army  posts  along  the  Tennessee  line  to  the 
Mississippi,  which  river  I  would  hold  with  a  strong  patrol 
of  gunboats.  Then  I  would  withdraw  the  United  States 
mails,  and  close  every  seaboard  and  gulf  port  from  Charles- 
ton to  the  Rio  Grande  by  a  blockade,  through  which  not  a 
bale  of  cotton  could  go  out,  nor  an  ounce  of  powder  come 
in. 

"  *  In  that  case,'  said  Mr.  Lincoln, '  you  imagine  the  fire 
to  be  confined  to  the  Cotton  States  ? ' 

"I  answered,  'No.  The  fire  is  already  lighted  in  the 
Border  States.  Virginia  is  preparing  to  secede,  and,  if  she 
does,  she  will  doubtless  carry  others.' 

"  <  Then,'  remarked  Mr.  Lincoln,  '  with  all  the  Slave 
States  in  rebellion,  what  would  you  do  ? ' 

"  I  replied  that  I  would  simply  extend  the  plan  of  isola- 
tion. It  is  vital  that  we  hold  Maryland.  Added  to  that, 


28  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

we  would  need  to  defend  the  line  of  Pennsylvania  and  the 
Ohio  River.  This  done,  we  would  have  the  Cotton  States 
closed  up;  the  Border  States  also  closed  up  and  between 
two  lines  of  fire ;  and  it  seems  to  me  that,  if  we  did  not 
invade  their  territory,  they  would  have  nothing  to  do  but 
to  lash  themselves  to  pieces  in  their  own  fury. 

" '  You  don't  propose,  then,'  said  Mr.  Lincoln, « to  invade 
the  sacred  soil  beyond  running  a  cordon  of  army  posts  from 
Charleston  to  the  Mississippi  ? ' 

"I  said:  'That  is -all,  except  to  establish  such  bases  of 
supply  as  would  be  needed  by  our  army  and  navy.  I  should 
bear  in  mind,  Mr.  Lincoln,  the  distinction  between  the 
politicians  and  the  people  which  was  brought  to  our  atten- 
tion on  Saturday.  The  Southern  leaders  will  fight  us  any- 
where and  everywhere ;  invade  us  if  they  have  the  power, 
— Toombs  has  threatened  to  call  the  roll  of  his  slaves  on 
Bunker  Hill.  The  people,  I  think,  will  not  fight  us  unless 
we  invade  their  country.  All  men  will  defend  their  fire- 
sides, but  I  question  if  the  majority  of  the  Southern  people 
will  willingly  go  into  a  neighboring  State,  and  much  less- 
come  North  to  attack  us  in  our  homes.  I  should  avoid  any 
unnecessary  invasion  of  the  Southern  territory.' 

" '  Then  we  must  act  wholly  on  the  defensive  ? '  said  Mr. 
Lincoln. 

" '  Yes,  sir,  I  should  do  so  at  first,  and  until  we  are 
attacked,  as  we  probably  shall  be.  Then  I  should  be  care- 
ful to  have  two  men  to  their  one.  A  Yankee  may  be  as 
good  a  man  as  a  Southerner,  but  our  armies  would  not  be 
altogether  Yankee.  In  them  there  would  be  a  foreign  ele- 
ment, not  in  any  way  the  equal  of  the  Southerner.' 

" '  It  is  a  gigantic  plan,'  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  '  and  with  the 
men  and  the  money  it  might  be  feasible.  What  do  you 
think  of  it,  Mr.  Seward  ? ' 


A   CABINET  SESSION.  29 

"  Mr.  Seward  thought  it  radically  defective  in  one  impor- 
tant feature,  —  the  means  to  carry  it  out.  It  would  require 
not  only  half  a  million  of  men,  but  a  hundred  millions  of 
dollars,  and  we  could  not  get  the  money.  'In  October 
last,  when  Cobb  tried  to  float  a  loan  of  ten  millions,  he  got 
only  seven  millions,  and  had  to  sell  treasury  notes  at  a  dis- 
count of  from  six  to  twelve  per  cent. ;  Dix,  only  two  months 
since,  was  obliged  to  sell  bonds  to  pay  current  expenses  at 
a  reduction  of  nine  and  ten  per  cent. ;  and  when  Mr.  Chase 
opened  his  bids  for  eight  millions  not  a  fortnight  ago,  he 
found  only  about  three  millions  of  offerings  at  less  than  six 
per  cent,  discount.  No,  Mr.  Lincoln,  you  can't  get  the 
money  for  any  such  operations.' 

"Mr.  Lincoln  then  turned  to  Mr.  Chase,  saying:  'You 
hold  the  bag,  Mr.  Chase.  Can  we  get  the  money  ? ' 

"  Mr.  Chase  answered :  '  If  the  fall  of  Sumter  should 
have  the  effect  on  the  North  that  Mr.  Cameron  anticipates, 
you  could  get  the  men,  and  I  the  money.  I  should  appeal 
to  the  country,  and  it  would  support  the  war  with  its  last 
dollar.' 

"  Then  Mr.  Seward  took  another  tack,  and  said  it  would 
be  rash  and  dangerous  to  resort  to  extreme  measures ;  that 
we  should  thereby  exasperate  the  South  beyond  reconcilia- 
tion, and  make  hopeless  our  ever  coming  together  again. 
All  but  Mr.  Chase  and  myself  seemed  to  be  of  this  opinion, 
and  finally  Mr.  Lincoln,  saying  that  in  the  multitude  of 
councillors  there  is  wisdom,  decided  to  call  Congress  to- 
gether, and  throw  the  responsibility  upon  the  country." 

When  Mr.  Cameron  concluded,  he  turned  to  Mr.  Walker, 
and  asked :  "  Governor,  what  is  to  be  the  outcome  of  all 
this?" 

"A  long  war,"  answered  the  Governor.  "A  war  that 
will  last  till  one  section  or  the  other  is  completely  ex- 


30  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

hausted.  I  know  the  Secession  leaders ;  every  one  of  them 
will  die  in  the  last  ditch,  and  Jeff  Davis,  particularly,  is 
the  most  obstinate  man  I  ever  encountered.  He  thinks  he 
is  right,  and  he  will  fight  till  he  has  not  a  leg  to  stand  on. 
There  will  be  a  holocaust  of  lives,  rivers  of  blood,  millions 
of  wasted  property ;  but  we  shall  emerge  from  the  conflict 
with  the  stain  of  slavery  wiped  from  the  country. 

"This  decision  of  Mr.  Lincoln  —  which  will  give  the 
Secession  leaders  time  to  mature  their  plans,  and  thoroughly 
organize  their  forces  —  satisfies  me  that  God's  time  has 
come  for  destroying  the  accursed  thing.  The  North  is  not 
ready  for  immediate  emancipation.  Mr.  Lincoln  is  right,  — 
the  Abolitionists,  after  thirty  years  of  agitation,  are  merely 
a  corporal's  guard,  and  not  a  party.  They  have  appealed 
to  the  moral  sentiment  of  the  people,  and  the  people,  ab- 
sorbed in  money-getting,  have  given  the  old  answer :  <  Am 
I  my  brother's  keeper  ? '  —  an  answer  which  is  wrong  both 
in  fact  and  theory ;  for  no  part  of  a  political  body  can  be  dis- 
eased without  the  malady  affecting  the  entire  system.  The 
North  has  thought  to  escape  the  infection  by  confining  slav- 
ery within  certain  limits ;  but  that  cannot  be  done ;  from 
its  very  nature  slavery  demands  room,  and  it  would  over- 
leap any  barrier  that  might  be  set  against  it.  This  being 
so,  Providence  seems  to  have  resolved  upon  its  extermina- 
tion, and,  as  the  only  way  to  bring  it  about,  has  allowed 
the  South  to  attack  the  Union,  knowing  that  the  North 
would  fight  to  sustain  our  nationality  when  it  would  not  to 
destroy  slavery." 

"  Then  you  are  convinced  that  slavery  will  be  destroyed. 
But  will  the  Union  survive  the  convulsion  ?  " 

"  It  may  be  for  a  time  disrupted ;  that  will  depend  on 
the  spirit  of  the  Northern  people,  and  the  energy  of  the 
General  Government.  If  Mr.  Seward's  counsels  prevail,  it 


A   CABINET  SESSION.  31 

seems  to  me  that  the  South  may  be  temporarily  successful, 
and  the  present  Union  go  to  pieces.  But  only  for  a  time, 
for  disunion  is  opposed  to  the  physical  laws  of  this  conti- 
nent. No  two  or  more  nations,  divided  only  by  lines  of 
latitude,  could  exist  long  upon  it.  Canada  is  separated  from 
us  by  the  lakes  and  the  St.  Lawrence,  yet,  were  slavery  once 
exterminated,  it  would  soon  seek  admission  to  the  Union. 
The  Rocky  Mountains  are  our  only  natural  barrier,  and  for 
that  reason  I  have  for  years  advocated  the  building  of  a 
Pacific  railroad.  With  Europe  it  is  different.  That  conti- 
nent seems  designed  by  nature  to  be  the  nursery  of  different 
nationalities.  If  you  look  upon  the  map  you  will  observe 
that  Great  Britain,  Spain,  Italy,  Norway,  and  Sweden  are 
mostly,  or  altogether,  surrounded  by  water,  while  France  is 
naturally  separated  by  the  Alps  and  the  Rhine  from  Italy 
and  Germany.  The  only  lack  of  a  natural  boundary  is 
that  between  Germany,  Austria-Hungary,  and  Russia ;  and 
hence  the  first  two  of  these  nations  will  eventually  have  to 
unite  to  balance  the  overshadowing  power  of  Russia.  In 
Europe,  thus  parcelled  out  geographically,  the  various  na- 
tions of  the  Aryan  race  could  grow  up  distinct  in  language 
and  institutions,  but  the  time  was  to  come,  in  the  provi- 
dence of  God,  when  all  these  peoples  should  be  welded 
together  to  form  a  higher  type  of  man, — a  race  that  should 
build  up  a  free,  enlightened,  all-powerful  country,  to  lead 
the  van  in  the  great  march  of  the  nations.  God  had,  I  think, 
that  purpose  in  view  when  he  led  Columbus  across  the 
ocean ;  when  he  decided,  on  the  Plains  of  Abraham,  that 
the  dominant  race  on  this  continent  should  be  the  Anglo- 
Saxon;  and  when  he  enabled  Washington  to  strike  from 
our  limbs  the  shackles  of  an  effete  feudalism.  As  I  read 
history,  he  has  meant  to  create  here  a  great  united  people, 
who  shall  become  by  their  example  and  their  effort  the 


-32  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

regenerators  and  Christianizers  of  the  whole  world.  This 
being  his  design,  we  cannot  suppose  that  he  will  permit  it 
to  be  thwarted  by  a  handful  of  slave-drivers,  who  seek  to 
build  themselves  up  on  the  blood  and  sweat  of  their  fellow 
men,  and  the  ruin  of  their  country.  They  may  prevail  for 
a  day,  but  only  for  a  day ;  for  all  the  good  forces  of  the 
universe  will  be  arrayed  against  them,  and,  sooner  or  later, 
they  will  go  down  in  defeat  and  dishonor.  What  now  is 
most  needed  is  to  arouse  the  North  to  the  fact  that  the 
destruction  of  slavery  is  vital  to  the  preservation  of  the 
Union.  Every  Northern  statesman  sees  it ;  but  it  is  neces- 
sary it  should  be  seen  by  the  people.  When  they  once 
realize  it,  they  will  insist  on  continuing  the  war  until  slav- 
ery is  utterly  exterminated." 


CHAPTER  III. 

THE   GREAT   UPRISING. 

I  RETURNED  to  New  York  from  my  brief  visit  to  Washing- 
ton on  the  morning  of  Tuesday,  the  16th  of  April,  1861, 
and  as  I  rode  up-town  to  my  house  on  Thirty-fourth  Street, 
I  nowhere  observed  any  indications  of  popular  excitement. 
No  gatherings  of  people  were  on  the  avenues,  and  only  the 
customary  throng  of  men  and  women  were  passing,  with 
their  usual  quietude,  to  their  daily  vocations.  When  I 
went  down-town  later  in  the  day,  and  mingled  somewhat 
with  the  men  of  affairs,  I  found  among  them  the  same  apa- 
thetic feeling.  All  seemed  to  have  heard  the  comforting 
assurance  of  Mr.  Seward,  "  It  is  a  tempest  in  a  teapot ;  it 
will  soon  blow  over,"  and  the  president  of  the  great  Mu- 
tual Life  Insurance  Company  said  to  me,  "  That  remark  is 
authentic,  —  Mr.  Seward  has  made  it  to  me  himself ;  and  if 
he,  a  member  of  the  Government,  feels  no  alarm,  why 
should  we  trouble  our  heads  about  it  ?  At  any  rate,  we  are 
safe,  for  our  securities  are  largely  New  York  real  estate." 

I  answered  him,  "  Mr.  Winston,  Mr.  Seward's  opinion  is 
not  worth  a  bad  half-dollar ;  his  strong  desire  for  peace 
blinds  him  to  facts ;  and  you  can't  afford  to  hug  yourself 
in  fancied  security ;  for  if  the  Union  goes,  all  will  go  with 
it.  In  that  event  your  New  York  mortgages  will  not  real- 
ize you  fifty  cents  on  the  dollar."  When,  a  few  weeks 
later,  Mr.  Winston  put  the  name  of  his  company  down  for 

33 


34  PERSONAL  BECOLLECTIONS. 

several  millions  of  the  first  Government  loan,  I  was  told 
that  he  said,  "  We  might  as  well  take  this,  for  if  the  Union 
goes,  we  shall  all  go  with  it." 

But  this  was  not  the  feeling  prevalent  among  New  York 
men  of  business  on  the  16th  of  April,  three  days  after  the 
fall  of  Fort  Sumter.  They  were  not  Secessionists,  though 
they  tolerated  a  mayor,  Fernando  Wood,  who  strenuously 
advocated  the  secession  of  New  York,  and  its  erection  into 
a  free  city ;  and  also  had  allowed,  without  protest,  the  pub- 
lication, by  his  brother,  of  the  New  York  News,  a  widely 
circulated  journal,  as  virulent  in  its  denunciation  of  the 
Union  as  any  Southern  newspaper.  They  were  simply  en- 
grossed in  their  own  affairs,  and  lulled  to  sleep  by  the 
oracular  utterances  of  William  H.  Seward,  so  that  they  did 
not  properly  feel  the  insult  to  the  nation  in  the  lowering  of 
its  flag  at  Fort  Sumter.  They  began  to  awake  from  this 
somnolent  condition  when,  two  days  later,  that  identical 
flag,  battle-rent  and  smoke-begrimed,  was  landed  with  its 
heroic  defenders  in  New  York,  and  they  also  saw  marching 
along  Broadway,  on  its  way  to  Baltimore,  the  Sixth  Massa- 
chusetts Regiment,  its  men  shouting : 

"  John  Brown's  body  lies  arinouldering  in  the  grave, 
But  his  soul  is  a-marching  on." 

It  was  the  soul  of  John  Brown  which  first  roused  them 
from  sleep ;  but  it  was  the  voice  of  Robert  J.  Walker  that 
fired  them  with  a  fixed  determination  to  stay  the  fratricidal 
hands  which  were  lifted  against  their  country.  He  arrived 
in  New  York  that  same  evening,  and  on  Saturday  morning 
was  waited  upon  by  several  leading  citizens,  who  requested 
him  to  address  a  mass-meeting  to  be  held  within  a  few 
hours,  in  Union  Square,  in  support  of  the  Government. 
He  gladly  assented.  It  was  beyond  all  comparison  the 


THE  GREAT  UPRISING.  35 

largest  gathering  of  men  that  ever  came  together  for  peace- 
ful discussion  on  this  continent.  By  those  accustomed  to 
estimating  crowds  the  number  assembled  was  set  at  a  hun- 
dred thousand ;  but  as  I  looked  over  the  immense  throng 
from  the  stand  near  the  Washington  statue,  I  could  readily 
have  believed  it  to  be  far  more  numerous.  Mr.  Walker 
had  been  allowed  no  time  for  preparation,  but  he  spoke  like 
a  man  inspired.  Other  speakers  were  there,  —  Governor 
Dix,  William  M.  Evarts,  Senator  Baker,  Daniel  S.  Dickin- 
son, and  0.  M.  Mitchell,  —  all  famous  for  their  eloquence, 
and  their  words  were  interrupted  by  literal  thunders  of 
applause ;  but  when  Mr.  Walker  rose,  and  was  introduced 
by  Governor  Dix  as  a  "  Southern  man,  a  lifelong  Demo- 
crat, and  the  predecessor  of  Jefferson  Davis  in  the  Senate 
from  Mississippi,"  a  deep  stillness  fell  on  the  vast  assem- 
blage, and  all  ears  were  strained  to  catch  his  lightest  utter- 
ance. It  was  as  though  they  thought  that  this  man  could 
tell  them  the  truth,  and  point  out  the  right  action  to  take 
in  the  great  crisis  that  was  upon  the  country.  This  he  did, 
and  what  he  said  was  received  with  such  profound  attention 
that  his  words  seemed  to  make  a  deeper  impression  than 
all  else  spoken  at  the  meeting.  It  was  that  meeting,  fol- 
lowing so  closely  on  the  fall  of  Fort  Sumter,  that  fully 
aroused  the  State  of  New  York  to  its  duty  to  the  Union. 
On  the  Monday  following  his  great  speech  in  Union 
Square,  Mr.  Walker  spoke  in  Brooklyn.  Then  he  returned 
to  Washington,  saying  to  me  as  he  went  away :  "  I  have 
not  talked  with  a  single  individual  who  would  not,  for  the 
sake  of  peace,  take  the  South  back  with  slavery,  and  all 
our  old  disagreements  unsettled.  If  we  do  that,  this  war  will 
have  to  be  fought  over  again.  The  people  must  be  made 
to  see  this,  —  that  we  can  have  no  permanent  peace  without 
the  destruction  of  slavery,  and  that  it  is  for  the  interest  of 


36  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

every  man  to  have  it  destroyed.  I  know  all  about  it,  and 
it  is  a  most  accursed  thing.  For  about  a  dozen  years  I 
was  a  slaveholder;  then,  one  day  in  1838,  I  happened  to 
read  in  Cowper: 

" « I  would  not  have  a  slave  to  till  my  ground, 
To  carry  me,  to  fan  me  while  I  sleep, 
And  tremble  when  I  wake,  for  all  the  wealth 
That  sinews  bought  and  sold  have  ever  earned,  — 

and  it  occurred  to  me,  too,  that  Jefferson  had  said  that  he 
trembled  for  the  future  of  his  country  when  he  thought  of 
the  enormities  of  slavery.  I  said  to  myself  :  *  If  good  men 
so  reprobate  this  thing,  how  must  God  regard  it  ?  He  may 
have  allowed  it  for  a  time  to  bring  the  negro  in  contact 
with  civilization,  but,  that  accomplished,  he  will  assuredly 
sweep  it  from  the  earth  ;  and  he  will  not  hold  me  guiltless 
if,  with  my  eyes  now  open,  I  any  longer  remain  a  slave- 
holder.' That  very  day  I  manumitted  every  one  of  my 
slaves.  I  sent  some  of  them  North,  some  stayed  at  the 
South  ;  but  to  all  I  gave  a  fair  start  in  the  world.  When 
this  was  done  I  was  what  is  called  a  poor  man ;  but  in 
reality  I  was  rich,  —  richer  than  I  had  ever  been  before. 
I  felt  an  indescribable  buoyancy  of  mind,  an  irresistible 
strength  to  overcome  all  opposition.  It  was  that  feeling 
which  made  me  win  in  the  fight  I  had  with  Nullification. 
Slavery,  truly  exhibited,  will  strike  every  feeling  man  with 
horror.  The  trouble  with  all  descriptions  of  it  that  I  have 
seen,  has  been  they  are  more  or  less  imaginary,  and  hence 
have  not  been  believed.  You  might  describe  it  to  the  life, 
for  you  have  known  it  from  boyhood." 

"  But  I  have  not  written  a  line  for  the  press  since  I  was 
nineteen.  I  bought  the  Knickerbocker  merely  to  fill  up 
some  leisure  time ;  I  do  not  write  for  it." 


THE   GEE  AT   UPRISING.  37 

"  Then  give  your  ideas  to  others,  and  let  them  write  them 
out." 

"  I  might  do  that ;  but  doing  it  in  the  Knickerbocker 
would  be  pouring  new  wine  into  old  bottles.  No  one  would 
heed  what  the  old  magazine  might  say  upon  national 
affairs." 

"  You  can't  tell.  There  is  no  estimating  the  effect  of  a 
single  thought  let  loose  upon  the  world.  Let  your  key-note 
be,  Emancipation  a  National  Necessity,  —  the  only  means 
of  saving  the  Union." 

I  turned  the  subject  over  in  my  mind,  and  decided  to 
act  upon  the  Governor's  suggestion.  I  had  chosen  Charles 
Godfrey  Leland  (Hans  Breitmann),  one  of  the  most  accom- 
plished literary  men  of  the  country,  as  editor  of  the 
Knickerbocker,  and  I  opened  to  him  the  subject.  He 
entered  enthusiastically  into  the  project.  He  agreed  fully 
with  my  views,  and  at  once  gave  the  crusade  the  war-cry  of 
"  Emancipation  for  the  sake  of  the  white  man."  The  articles 
he  then  wrote  for  the  magazine  were  altogether  the  best 
that  appeared  on  the  subject  during  the  war.  They  met 
the  situation  squarely,  —  called  upon  the  people  to  strike  at 
the  root  of  the  evil  as  the  only  means  of  saving  the  coun- 
try. They  had  all  the  terseness,  compactness,  and  lucidity 
of  Horace  Greeley's,  with  far  more  fire,  and  the  undefinable 
polish  that  comes  only  from  high  cultivation. 

But  all  of  Leland's  fiery  eloquence,  poured  through  the 
columns  of  the  old  Knickerbocker,  failed  to  make  any 
perceptible  impression  on  the  public  mind.  I  watched  our 
exchanges  narrowly,  and  noted  occasionally  one  of  his 
poems,  or  a  doggerel  song  of  my  own,  written  to  rouse  the 
patriotic  spirit  of  the  people ;  but  never  one  of  Leland's 
thrilling  prose  utterances,  or  the  most  distant  reference  to 
the  central  thought  of  our  crusade,  —  "  Emancipation  for  the 


38  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

sake  of  the  white  man."  He  was  spending  his  strength  for 
naught.  I  was  planting  my  diminishing  substance  in  a 
porous  soil,  where  every  ounce  of  compost  went  through  to 
the  Antipodes. 

One  of  the  maxims  of  the  wise  old  gentleman  who  had 
given  me  my  business  education  was,  "  Never  waste  your 
money  on  the  unattainable,"  and  I  was  deliberating  on  a 
counter-revolution  in  the  conduct  of  the  Knickerbocker 
when  one  day  it  occurred  to  me  to  try  the  experiment  of 
putting  new  wine  into  new  bottles.  Hence,  I  decided  to 
foring  out  a  new  magazine  with  the  beginning  of  the  year, 
which  should  picture  the  social  system  of  the  South  as  it 
actually  was,  and  show  the  North  that  the  removal  of 
slavery  was  essential  to  the  salvation  of  the  Union,  address- 
ing not  merely  the  moral  sentiments,  but  also,  and  mainly, 
the  spirit  of  nationality  among  the  people.  The  magazine 
should  be  equal  in  ability  to  the  Atlantic  Monthly,  and  I 
would  furnish  a  free  copy  to  every  leading  newspaper 
throughout  the  North.  This  might  indoctrinate  the  organs 
of  public  opinion  with  our  views,  and  so,  in  time,  revolu- 
tionize public  sentiment.  Some  money  would  have  to  be 
sunk  to  establish  such  a  publication ;  but  in  my  then  state 
of  mind  money  was  not  an  all-important  consideration. 
Having  decided  upon  this,  I  went  on  to  Washington  to 
secure  the  cooperation  of  Robert  J.  Walker.  He  not  only 
pledged  his  aid  to  the  enterprise,  but  promised  me  such 
early  advices  as  to  the  intentions  of  the  Government  as  would 
give  to  the  magazine  a  semi-official  character. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

f)          L#    f  u^1 

MY   FIRST   ACQUAINTANCE   WITH   HORACE   GREELEY. 

ON  the  day  following  the  disastrous  battle  of  Ball's  Bluff, 
I  made  the  acquaintance  of  Horace  Greeley.  The  loss  of 
Colonel  Baker,  more  than  the  sore  defeat  and  loss  of  a 
thousand  men,  was  felt  as  a  national  calamity,  and  the  news 
had  overspread  New  York  City  with  gloom.  His  death 
brought  to  me  personally  a  realizing  sense  of  the  terrible 
nature  of  the  struggle ;  for  I  had  been  introduced  to  him  at 
the  immense  gathering  in  Union  Square,  and  had  sat  beside 
him  during  the  delivery  of  his  great  speech  on  that  occa- 
sion,—  the  best,  I  thought,  then  spoken,  with  the  sole 
exception  of  that  of  Robert  J.  Walker.  That  he,  so  brave, 
so  eloquent,  so  well  equipped  for  rousing  the  country  to 
the  situation,  should  be  cut  off  thus  early  in  the  struggle, 
was  to  me  an  inexplicable  mystery.  Did  it  portend  that 
the  stars  in  their  courses  were  about  to  fight  against 
Sisera  ?  I  could  not  tell ;  but,  whatever  might  be  the  end, 
I  resolved  to  do  what  little  I  could  to  serve  my  country. 
These  thoughts  were  in  my  mind  when  I  called  upon  Mr. 
Greeley. 

I  had  provided  myself  with  a  letter  from  an  intimate 
friend  of  his,  which  briefly  stated  the  object  of  my  visit ; 
and,  armed  with  this,  I  clambered  up  to  the  fourth  story  of 
the  old  Tribune  building,  on  the  afternoon  of  that  day,  and 
was  ushered  into  the  sanctum  of  the  great  editor.  He  was 

39 


40  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

seated  at  his  desk,  writing  in  a  most  ungainly  attitude, — 
the  desk  being  so  high  that  he  had  to  sit  bolt  upright,  his 
right  arm  extended  in  a  horizontal  direction.  He  paid  me 
no  sort  of  attention,  and  taking  a  seat  on  a  dilapidated  sofa 
at  his  back,  I  awaited  his  leisure.  After  awhile,  without 
turning  around,  he  said,  "  Well,  sir,  what  can  I  do  for 
you?" 

"  This  letter  will  tell  you,  sir,"  I  answered,  rising,  and 
placing  it,  open,  on  the  desk  before  him.  "  A  glance  at  it 
will  save  your  time  and  mine." 

He  cast  his  eye  upon  the  letter ;  then  brushed  it  aside, 
and  resumed  his  writing,  not  having  yet  shown  me  the 
light  of  his  countenance.  Then,  when  he  had  written,  per- 
haps a  short  paragraph,  he  said,  "  So,  you  are  going  to 
start  a  new  magazine,  —  do  you  expect  to  make  any  money 
by  it?" 

"  No,  sir ;  I  expect  to  lose  money." 

"  You  do ! "  he  exclaimed.  "  Then  why  do  you  start 
it?" 

"  Because  we  have  something  to  say  which  the  country 
ought  to  hear." 

"  You  think  so,  —  what  is  it  ?  " 

"That  the  Union  can't  be  saved  without  destroying 
slavery." 

"  Bosh !  That  idea  was  broached  before  you  were 
born." 

"  Yes,"  I  answered,  "  by  Abolitionists  who  openly  advo- 
cated disunion.  We  shall  approach  the  subject  from  a 
different  standpoint." 

"  Who  are  we  ?  "  he  asked. 

"  The  best  literary  men  in  this  country,  outside  of  the 
Atlantic  circle,  with  Robert  J.  Walker  as  political,  and 
Charles  Godfrey  Leland  as  literary,  editor." 


HORACE  GREELET.  41 

Until  this  moment  he  had  kept  on  writing;  now  he 
dropped  his  pen,  turned  about  on  his  seat,  and  scanned  me 
closely,  saying,  "  Robert  J.  Walker !  Why,  he's  the  great- 
est man  we've  had  since  Ben  Franklin ;  and  Charley  Leland, 
—  if  he'll  write  for  us,  we  will  pay  him  five  times  as  much 
as  you  can  afford  to.  Now,  take  my  advice :  save  your 
money,  and  let  your  men  write  for  the  Tribune.  We  can 
give  their  ideas  a  hundred  times  the  circulation  that  you 
can." 

"  I  don't  know  about  that,  Mr.  Greeley.  We  shall  aim 
to  indoctrinate  the  whole  press  of  the  country.  I  shall 
start  with  an  exchange  list  of  at  least  three  thousand." 

"  That's  a  good  idea ;  but  it  will  cost  you  money.  You 
can  reach  the  same  result,  at  no  expense,  through  the 
Tribune" 

"  Allow  me  to  doubt  it.  We  should  reach  only  Tribune 
readers,  and  the  majority  of  them  are  in  no  need  of  conver- 
sion. I  should  prefer  your  writing  for  us,  to  our  people 
writing  for  you." 

"  Well,  that  might  be  better,  inasmuch  as  you  want  new 
converts,  and  they'll  have  to  come  mainly  from  the  Demo- 
cratic ranks.  But  what  shall  I  write?  Not  politics, — 
you'll  prefer  to  have  that  done  by  Walker." 

"  Write  whatever  you  please,  and  long  or  short,  at  your 
pleasure." 

"  Then,  suppose  I  give  you  my  trip  across  the  Continent, 
in  two  or  three  chapters  ?  " 

"That  would  do  very  well.  Now,  what  shall  we  pay 
you?  I'd  rather  have  that  understood." 

"  That  is  right.  I  can't  afford  to  write  without  pay.  I 
am  poor,  and  now  that  we  are  all  going  to  the  devil,  I  shall 
have  to  look  closely  after  the  dimes.  Would  it  be  out  of 
the  way  if  I  should  name  $ 25  an  article  ?  " 


42  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

"  Not  at  all.  It  is  precisely  one-half  of  what  I  expected 
to  pay.  But,  Mr.  Greeley,  please  tell  me  why  you  think 
we  are  all  going  to  the  devil?" 

Leaning  back  against  his  desk,  he  surveyed  me  for  a  mo- 
ment with  a  look  of  childlike  helplessness.  Then  he  said, 
"  I  am  surprised  that  you  ask  such  a  question,  when  for 
half  a  year  we  have  had  one  continued  succession  of  dis-. 
asters,  —  Big  Bethel,  Bull  Run,  Wilson's  Creek,  and  now 
Ball's  Bluff,  and  the  loss  of  Baker,  —  with  nothing  to  offset 
but  a  few  insignificant  victories  in  West  Virginia,  —  and 
all  owing  to  the  supineness  and  stupidity  of  the  people  at 
Washington.  Six  months !  and  we  worse  off  than  when  we 
began  !  Why,  six  weeks  of  such  a  man  as  Jackson  would 
have  stamped  the  whole  thing  out :  and  now  it  must  go  on 
till  both  sections  are  ruined,  and  all  because  we  have  no 
sense  or  energy  in  the  Government.  It  pains,  it  grieves  me 
to  think  of  it;  for  I  feel  in  a  measure  responsible  for  it. 
For  you  know  it  is  said  that  but  for  my  action  in  the  conven- 
tion, Lincoln  would  not  have  been  nominated.  It  was  a 
mistake,  —  the  biggest  mistake  of  my  life." 

"  I  can't  see  how  it  was  a  mistake,  when  your  choice  lay 
between  only  two  men;  of  the  two,  Lincoln  is  infinitely 
preferable  to  Seward.  If  Seward  has  his  way  he  will  send 
the  country  to  destruction." 

"  What  do  you  know  about  Seward  ?  " 

"  Nothing  personally ;  however,  of  my  own  knowledge 
I  can  say  that  it  was  he  who  brought  about  the  call  for 
75,000  men,  when  a  majority  of  the  Cabinet  would  have 
called  for  500,000,  and  also  have  favored  Lincoln's  pro- 
claiming freedom  to  all  slaves  who  should  desert  their  rebel 
masters.  He  opposed  energetic  measures,  on  the  ground 
that  they  would  close  the  door  of  reconciliation  with  the 
seceded  States." 


HORACE  GEEELET.  43 

"  Reconciliation !  "  he  exclaimed,  "  when  those  fellows 
liave  been  preparing  for  this  thing  for  years !  But,  how 
did  you  get  the  facts  about  that  Cabinet  meeting  ?  " 

"I  can't  tell  you  without  a  breach  of  confidence;  but 
you  may  rely  upon  the  facts.  I  was  in  Washington,  and 
had  them  direct  within  an  hour  after  the  Cabinet  ad- 
journed." 

"  If  I  had  known  them  at  the  time  I  would  have  unseated 
Seward,"  he  said,  in  a  regretful  way. 

"  Pardon  me,  Mr.  Greeley,  if  I  doubt  your  ability  to  do 
that.  Mr.  Lincoln  has  an  overestimate  of  Seward,  —  a  sort 
of  blind  confidence  in  his  judgment.  I  told  him  distinctly 
that  if  he  listened  to  the  advice  which  Seward,  from  his 
extreme  timidity,  would  be  sure  to  give  him,  he  would  run 
the  country  upon  the  rocks  where  no  earthly  power  could 
save  it.  Moreover,  I  told  him  that  if  Robert  J.  Walker 
had  been  in  Seward's  place,  the  Confederates  would  not 
have  dared  to  fire  upon  Fort  Sumter.  But  all  I  said  had 
no  more  effect  upon  him  than  water  upon  a  duck's 
back." 

"  How  was  it  that  you  had  a  chance  to  say  such  things 
to  him?" 

"He  sent  to  me,  through  Secretary  Cameron,  for  a 
confidential  interview,  and  I  went  to  him  with  Governor 
Walker ;  I  volunteered  nothing,  merely  answered  his  or 
Cameron's  questions." 

"  Are  you  in  intimate  relations  with  Walker  ?  " 

"  Well,  he  likes  me,  and  I  like  him.  When  I  was  a  boy 
of  about  twenty  he  did  me  a  service  that  had  a  decided 
influence  on  my  subsequent  fortunes.  We  like  those  to 
whom  we  have  done  a  favor ;  that,  I  suppose,  accounts  for 
his  having  a  kindly  feeling  for  me." 

M  And  what  is  your  impression  of  Lincoln  ?  " 


44  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

"I  have  met  him  but  once.  1  think  him  thoroughly 
honest,  and  anxious  to  do  his  duty." 

"  And  could  you  not  so  win  his  confidence  that  he  would 
disclose  to  you,  from  time  to  time,  his  views  on  certain 
lines  of  policy?" 

"  I  don't  think  I  could,  for,  if  I  read  him  aright,  he  is  a 
very  politic  man, —  one  of  the  hear-all-and-say-nothing  sort. 
It  amused  me  to  see  how  adroitly  he  drew  out  of  me  just 
what  I  was  most  anxious  to  tell.  He  could  have  no  motive 
for  confiding  his  views  to  me ;  but  with  Governor  Walker  it 
will  be  different.  Mr.  Lincoln  has  the  highest  opinion  of 
his  judgment,  and  will  naturally  seek  his  advice  on  all 
important  subjects  that  may,  from  time  to  time,  come  up. 
He  will  be  forced  to  be  open  with  him,  and  thus  I  shall 
know  all  the  inner  workings  of  the  administration." 

"  For  Walker  will  tell  you  all  such  things  ?  " 

"  Of  course.  He  has  Mr.  Lincoln's  permission  to  do  so. 
Now,  Mr.  Greeley,  you  have  asked  my  impressions  of  Lin- 
coln, and  I  have  told  you  only  the  half.  He  has  the  repu- 
tation of  being  the  frankest  of  men,  but  there  never  was  a 
bigger  mistake.  With  all  his  apparent  transparency,  he  is 
as  deep  as  a  well.  I  don't  know  that  you  are  as  deep  as 
Lincoln,  but  you  are  asking  me  a  number  of  questions  with 
some  hidden  object.  Please  to  tell  me  what  it  is  before  we 
go  any  farther." 

He  took  one  knee  in  his  two  hands,  and,  swaying  himself 
back  and  forth,  laughed  heartily.  Soon  he  said :  "  Well,  I'll 
tell  you ;  I  want  to  do  you  and  Walker  a  good  turn,  —  to 
save  you  from  throwing  your  money  away  on  that  maga- 
zine. While  we've  been  talking,  I've  been  thinking  how 
I  could  do  it,  and  this  is  my  plan :  to  take  Leland  upon 
our  staff  with  a  handsome  salary ;  you  and  I  to  put  our 
heads  together,  and  get  Walker  into  Seward's  place ;  and, 


HORACE  GREELEY.  45 

as  for  yourself,  —  you  to  go  to  Washington  as  manager  for 
the  Tribune,  —  not  to  write,  but  to  keep  posted  on  inside 
things,  and  report  everything  to  me  promptly.  Your  pay 
should  be  satisfactory,  and  the  position  would,  no  doubt,  be 
a  permanent  one,  for  I  think  you  are  a  man  to  tie  to." 

I  answered :  "  I  feel  very  sensibly  the  compliment  you 
pay  me,  Mr.  Greeley,  but  there  are  difficulties  in  the  way, 
which,  if  you  will  allow  me,  I  will  state  frankly.  No  doubt, 
Leland  would  be  flattered  by  any  such  proposal  from  the 
Tribune,  but  his  heart  is  in  the  magazine  project,  and  any 
salary  you  might  offer  him  would  be  no  temptation.  He 
has  refused  to  accept  any  pay  whatever  from  me  until  the 
magazine  shall  have  made  the  money.  As  to  Mr.  Walker, 
if  he  were  in  the  Cabinet  I  should  feel  that  the  Union  would 
be  saved ;  but  I  doubt  very  much  if  either  you  or  I  could 
influence  Mr.  Lincoln  on  the  subject ;  and  I  do  not  know 
that  Governor  Walker  would  accept  any  position  in  the 
Government ;  but,  if  you  please,  I  will  speak  to  him  about 
it,  and  then  do  whatever  he  may  desire.  As  to  myself: 
since  I  was  twenty  I  have  never  held  a  subordinate  posi- 
tion, and  I  should  not  work  well  in  double  harness  with 
«ven  so  kindly  a  man  as  you  are.  You  would  expect  me 
to  devote  myself  heart  and  soul  to  the  Tribune,  and  I 
shouldn't  care  a  hill  of  beans  for  it,  except  as  it  served  my 
present  purpose,  which  is  to  set  squarely  before  the  Ameri- 
can people  the  enormity  of  slavery,  and  the  absolute  neces- 
sity of  exterminating  it  if  we  are  to  have  a  permanent 
Union.  When  that  is  done,  '  Othello's  occupation  will  be 
gone.' " 

He  answered :  "  I  can  understand  your  position  and  feel- 
ings ;  but  if  we  can't  work  together,  in  what  you  call  double 
harness,  we  may  be  of  mutual  help  to  each  other,  —  you 
oan,  when  it  will  be  allowable,  give  me  prompt  information, 


46  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

and,  if  you  start  the  magazine,  I  can  aid  you  materially. 
Suppose  you  talk  this  over  with  Walker,  and  report  to  me 
what  he  thinks  about  my  suggestion.  You  may  tell  him 
that  he  can  count  on  me  to  the  extent  of  my  ability." 

"  I  will  do  that  as  soon  as  I  can  get  to  Washington ;  and 
I  have  no  doubt  he  will  approve  of  our  cooperating  with 
you  in  all  ways  in  our  power." 

"  I  infer  from  your  speaking  of  showing  up  slavery  that 
you  know  something  about  the  South,  —  is  there  any 
chance  of  a  peaceable  solution  of  this  question  ? " 

"  I  have  known  the  South  since  boyhood,  and  have  been  in 
more  or  less  intimate  relations  with  all  classes  of  its  people, 
—  more  particularly  with  the  producers.  The  people  would 
be  friendly  enough  with  us  but  for  their  leaders.  They  are 
bent  upon  separation,  that  they  may  control  and  perpetuate 
slavery.  We  can,  I  think,  have  no  peace  now  without 
disunion." 

"  Then  had  we  better  not  let  them  go,  and  save  all  this 
bloodshed  and  waste  of  property  ?  Seward,  as  you  say,, 
has  made  Lincoln  miss  our  only  opportunity ;  and  shall  we 
not  be  forced  to  let  them  go  at  last  ?  I  have  thought  a 
good  deal  on  the  subject,  and  I'm  not  able  yet  to  see  how 
twenty  millions,  disunited,  accustomed  only  to  peaceful 
pursuits,  and  fighting  on  the  outside  of  a  circle,  can  subdue 
ten  millions,  united,  trained  to  arms,  and  fighting  on  the 
inside  of  the  circle.  I  don't  know  of  such  a  thing  being 
ever  done  in  history.  Do  you  ?  " 

"  No,  I  do  not,  and  still  I  firmly  believe  it  will  be  done, 
and  we  shall  yet  be  a  great,  united,  and  free  people.  Shall 
I  tell  you  why?  and  will  you  allow  me  to  be  a  little 
personal  ?  " 

"  Certainly,  be  as  personal  as  you  please.  I'm  not  thin- 
skinned,  though  I  never  did  like  unjust  censure." 


HORACE  GEEELET.  47 

"  I  shall  not  tread  upon  your  corns ;  I'll  merely  give  you 
a  little  of  your  own  history.  You  were  a  homespun  boy, 
born  among  the  stony  hills  of  New  Hampshire,  but  when 
only  six  years  old  you  announced  your  intention  to  print  a 
newspaper,  —  which  shows  that  the  thing  was  born  in  you. 
At  the  age  of  eleven  you  tried  to  get  into  a  printing-office. 
They  rejected  you  because  of  your  youth,  but  at  fourteen 
you  succeeded,  and  then  went  to  work,  night  and  day,  to 
perfect  yourself  as  a  printer.  I  need  not  speak  of  your 
subsequent  career,  —  I  only  wish  to  refer  to  your  life-pur- 
pose, so  early  formed  and  persistently  followed  in  the  face 
of  every  discouragement,  until  going  on,  step  by  step,  you, 
twenty  years  ago,  on  a  thousand  dollars  borrowed  capital, 
started  the  Tribune.  Then  came  out  what  was  in  you,  —  a 
lofty  purpose  to  educate  and  elevate  the  American  people, 
and  in  particular  the  working  classes.  And  how  wonder- 
fully you  have  succeeded  !  Your  name  is  a  household  word 
everywhere  in  this  country,  and  you  are  known  all  over 
Europe.  Your  thoughts  are  pondered  daily  by  a  million  of 
people.  No  king  upon  his  throne  ever  wielded  the  power  that 
you  do ;  and  your  power  has  been  always  for  good ;  your  cry, 
*  Land  for  the  landless,'  passed  the  '  Homestead  Bill,'  and 
gave  homes  to  thousands,  —  I  don't  know  but  to  millions ; 
and  your  <  Go  West,  young  man,'  has  filled  a  vast  territory 
with  a  hardy,  industrious  population  who  are  now  the  glory, 
and  will  soon  wield  the  power,  of  this  great  nation.  I  want 
to  speak  within  bounds,  but  I  fail  to  find  in  all  history  any 
single  man  who  has  done  so  much,  by  his  unaided  effort,  in 
his  own  lifetime,  for  the  uplifting  of  the  race  as  you  have." 

He  had  sat  through  the  whole  of  this,  his  back  resting 
against  his  desk,  his  hands  clasped  about  his  knee,  looking 
at  me  intently  ;  but  now  his  lips  quivered,  and  a  mist  came 
into  his  eyes  ;  but  he  said  nothing,  and  I  went  on : 


43  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

"  Now,  what  would  you  think  of  the  man  who,  when  a 
tow-shirted  boy,  formed  that  high  purpose,  and,  through 
nearly  forty  years  of  the  hardest  kind  of  struggle,  pursued 
it  till  he  had  built  up  this  great  beneficent  power  called  the 
Tribune,  —  what  would  you  think  of  him  if  he  should  sud- 
denly come  down  here  some  morning,  close  his  doors,  put 
up  his  shutters,  throw  his  type  out  of  the  windows,  and  tell 
the  country  to  go  to  the  devil  ?  " 

He  laughed  as  he  said:  "The  thing  is  unthinkable, — 
inconceivable." 

"  Of  course  it  is ;  and  to  me  it  is  inconceivable  that  God 
has  been  at  work  for  nearly  four  hundred  years,  building 
up  this  country,  just  for  the  pleasure  of  knocking  it  to 
pieces.  I  do  not  think  he  is  a  bigger  fool  than  Horace 
Greeley." 

"  Probably  not,"  he  said,  taking  my  hand  as  I  rose  to  go, 
"  and  if  I  didn't  feel  the  force  of  your  argument  I  should 
be  an  atheist.  Good-by.  Don't  fail  to  report  to  me  when 
you  have  seen  Walker." 


CHAPTER  V. 

THE   CONCEPTION   OF   THE   EMANCIPATION   PROCLAMATION. 

I  WAS  not  able  to  again  visit  Washington  till  the  latter 
part  of  November,  1861,  when  public  excitement  was  at 
its  height  over  the  Trent  affair.  I  then  related  to  Mr. 
Walker  my  interview  with  Horace  Greeley,  to  which  he 
listened  with  interest,  saying,  at  the  close :  "  I  think  a  good 
understanding  with  Mr.  Greeley  is  very  important :  we  can 
keep  him  from  going  off  upon  tangents,  and  I  can  give  you, 
from  time  to  time,  information  that  will  be  of  value  to 
him.  But  you  will  need  to  be  discreet,  and  never  disclose 
anything  that  might  do  harm  if  published.  Greeley  is  too 
ready  to  take  the  public  into  his  confidence.  To  us  he  can 
be  of  great  service  by  helping  you  to  make  the  magazine 
known,  and  by  giving  me  the  use  of  his  columns  on  special 
occasions.  Every  way  the  arrangement  will  be  admirable. 
May  I  speak  of  it  in  confidence  to  Mr.  Lincoln  ?  " 

I  assented  to  this,  and  at  once  he  sent  a  note  to  the 
President  asking  at  what  hour  we  could  have  an  interview. 
The  messenger  soon  returned,  with  a  narrow  slip  of  paper, 
addressed  to  "  His  Highmightyness,  Governor  Walker,  late 
of  Kansas  Territory."  On  it  was  written  in  pencil :  "  I 
shall  be  glad  to  see  you  both,  —  come  at  3  P.M.  A.  L." 

While  the  man  was  away,  I  said  to  Mr.  Walker :  "  Now, 
what  do  you  say  to  Greeley's  suggestion  about  your  being 
made  a  Cabinet  minister  ?  " 


50  PEE  SON AL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

"  I  have  told  Mr.  Lincoln  that  it  would  not  be  wise.  I 
will  tell  you  about  it,  but  what  I  say  must  be  in  the  strict- 
est confidence.  Mr.  Lincoln  broached  the  subject  to  me,  a 
few  days  after  the  battle  of  Bull  Run,  something  in  this 
manner :  '  Governor,'  he  said, '  do  you  remember  that  your 
Yankee  friend  said  that  if  you  had  been  in  my  Cabinet,  the 
rebels  would  never  have  dared  to  fire  upon  Fort  Sumter; 
and  that  they  never  would  have  confidence  in  me  so  long 
as  Seward  was  my  adviser  ? ' 

"  I  said  I  remembered  it  very  well,  and  then  he  asked : 
'  Don't  you  think  that  he  was  about  right  ? ' 

"To  that  I  answered  that  you  overestimated  me, — 
always  had,  —  but  that  you  correctly  stated  the  Southern 
opinion  of  Mr.  Seward.  Then  he  said :  '  Well,  what  would 
you  say  to  my  repeating  his  remarks  to  Seward,  laying 
stress  upon  the  point  your  friend  made,  that  there  never 
can  be  a  reconciliation  with  the  South  while  he  is  in  my 
Cabinet  ?  Then,  if  he  should  be  patriotic  enough  to  resign, 
would  you  take  his  place  ? ' 

"  I  told  Mr.  Lincoln  promptly  that  I  thought  it  would 
not  be  wise  to  do  so.  That  things  had  changed,  —  the 
opportunity  had  passed  for  conciliating  the  Southern  peo- 
ple ;  that  now  it  was  war,  till  one  or  the  other  side  was 
exhausted;  that  he  needed  all  the  strength  he  had,  or 
could  get,  at  the  North ;  and  that  Mr.  Seward  had  a  large 
following,  and  however  he  might  personally  feel  about 
being  cashiered,  his  friends  would  certainly  object  to  it  and 
fall  away  from  a  zealous  support  of  the  Government.  But 
I  added  that  while  I  should  urgently  advise  him  to  avoid  a 
rupture  with  Mr.  Seward,  I  was  ready  to  serve  him  and  the 
country  in  the  position  suggested  or  otherwise ;  but  that  I 
could  be  of  most  use  in  a  private  capacity,  —  acting  as  I 
do  now  as  special  adviser  to  Mr.  Chase  in  the  management 


CONCEPTION  OF  EMANCIPATION.  51 

of  the  Treasury  Department.  All  now  hinges  on  a  proper 
conduct  of  the  finances.  It  is  that  which  may  soon  send 
me  to  Europe." 

"  I  think  you  have  acted  both  patriotically  and  wisely ; 
but,"  I  added,  "  speaking  of  Seward  reminds  me  to  tell  you 
that  Leland  —  who  has  gone  into  the  magazine  project  with 
genuine  enthusiasm  —  has  arranged  with  Oakey  Hall  for  a 
series  of  articles  to  be  called  '  Cabinet  Sessions,'  the  papers 
to  represent  the  imaginary  sittings  of  the  Cabinet,  and  to 
report  the  discussions,  and  give  the  individual  views  of  the 
various  members  on  all  important  subjects  as  they  arise,  — 
such,  for  instance,  as  this  Trent  affair.  Seward  is  a 
warm  friend  of  Mr.  Hall,  and  he  has  promised  to  give  him, 
from  time  to  time,  the  facts  on  which  to  build  the  articles. 
It  strikes  me  they  would  be  of  value  as  serving  to  show 
that  the  magazine  has  a  sort  of  semi-official  character. 
The  people  now  are  greedy  for  reliable  information  as  to 
the  purposes  of  the  Government." 

"  Yes,  that  is  so,"  he  answered,  "  but  the  papers  should 
be  reliable ;  and  are  you  sure  that  Seward  might  not  mis- 
lead you?" 

"I  might  send  you  the  proofs,  —  that  would  guard 
against  any  false  diplomacy." 

"  You  had  better  do  that,"  he  said  ;  "  and  don't  pay  too 
much  for  the  articles,  for  I  could  do  them  myself." 

"  They  will  cost  nothing.  Leland  has  offered  Mr.  Hall 
pay,  and  he  has  peremptorily  declined  it.  Hall  is  very 
much  in  earnest,  and  a  thorough  gentleman." 

"  That  will  do ;  but  be  sure  to  send  me  the  proofs,  for  it 
just  now  occurs  to  me  that  Seward  may  conceive  an  ill  will 
towards  me.  I  do  not  know  it,  but  I  strongly  suspect  that 
Mr.  Lincoln  has  rapped  him  over  the  knuckles  on  two  or 
three  occasions  lately,  and  Seward  may  conclude  that  I  am 


52  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

the  cause  of  his  waning  influence.  He  is  disposed  to  have 
his  own  way,  —  he  considers  himself  the  administration, 
and  I  think  Mr.  Lincoln  has  been  obliged  to  give  him  a 
back  seat.  Now,  who  have  you  got  to  write  your  sketches 
of  the  South?  They  should  be  well  done,  and  show  that 
you  know  what  you  are  talking  about." 

I  answered,  "  Richard  B.  Kimball,  who  wrote  that  strong 
serial  in  the  Knickerbocker.  He  has  lived  in  Texas ;  was 
president  of  the  Galveston  and  Houston  Railroad,  and 
founded  a  town  on  the  Brazos  River." 

"  He  ought  to  be  competent ;  but  scan  everything  closely, 
and  whenever  you  are  in  doubt  about  a  manuscript,  send  it 
to  me.  Never  forget  that  you  have  set  out  to  educate  the 
people  on  a  subject  that  is  vital  to  them  and  the  country. 
Pardon  me,  if  my  tone  is  somewhat  dictatorial.  I  want  you 
to  succeed,  and  you  always  seem  to  me  that  young  fellow 
who  came  to  me  more  than  twenty  years  ago." 

"  Never  mind  the  tone  ;  I  am  not  as  old,  nor  as  wise,  as 
you  are,  and  never  shall  be." 

Among  public  men,  I  never  knew  one  so  punctual  to 
appointment  as  Robert  J.  Walker.  He  used  to  say  that 
the  hours  and  half -hours,  which  most  men  throw  away, 
through  a  lack  of  promptness,  would  make  them  all  rich ; 
for  time  is  money. 

The  clocks  were  striking  three  when  we  were  ushered 
into  Mr.  Lincoln's  private  room  at  the  White  House.  He 
received  Mr.  Walker  with  a  cordial  hand-shake  and  "  I'm 
glad  to  see  you,  Governor."  To  me  he  said :  "  I  scarcely 
thought  you'd  come  again,  —  I've  profited  so  little  by  your 
suggestions." 

"That  matters  not,  Mr.  Lincoln,"  I  replied.  "You 
know  it  is  said  there  is  a  divinity  that  shapes  our  ends  ;  if 
so,  whatever  is,  is  right." 


CONCEPTION  OF  EMANCIPATION.  53 

"  But  whatever  has  been,  since  you  were  here,  has  not  been 
right,  —  it's  been  all  wrong.  I  am  glad  that  you  and  the 
Governor  haven't  lost  heart,  and  are  stripping  for  the  fight. 
You  still  think  it  will  be  a  long  one  ?  " 

"  I  do,  sir,"  I  replied,  "  and  that  its  issue  will  largely 
depend  upon  the  war  spirit  being  kept  up  at  the  North.  I 
shall  do  my  part  to  that  end,  for  I  think  that  war  is  the  only 
way  to  a  satisfactory  settlement." 

Mr.  Walker  then  remarked :  "  We  will  detain  you,  Mr. 
President,  for  but  a  few  moments.  Mr.  Gilmore  has  had 
an  interview  with  Horace  Greeley,  and  I've  told  him  he  had 
better  relate  it  to  you." 

"  Go  on,  Mr.  Gilmore,"  responded  Mr.  Lincoln.  "  Tell 
me  how  Horace  feels." 

I  then  detailed  the  interview,  and  at  the  close  Mr.  Lin- 
coln said,  "  It  strikes  me  this  is  important.  What  do  you 
think,  Governor  ?  " 

"  I  think  it  is,  sir,  highly  important ;  and  with  your  per- 
mission I'll  write  a  note  to  Mr.  Gilmore,  approving  of  the 
arrangement,  and  saying  I  will  keep  him  informed  on  all 
important  matters,  with  liberty  to  communicate  them  to  Mr. 
Greeley.  This  would  be  for  him  to  show  to  Greeley." 

"  That  would  be  well,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln  ;  "  and  suppose 
that  I  should  write  a  letter  to  you  suggesting  your  note  to 
Gilmore  ?  That  would  show  Greeley  that  you  were  acting 
with  my  knowledge  and  approval." 

"  That  would  be  better  yet ;  and  let  me  suggest  that  you 
do  it  now,  so  Mr.  Gilmore  can  take  them  both  with  him 
when  he  goes  home  to-night." 

"  That's  wise  —  that's  wise,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln.  "  It  will 
give  Greeley  absolute  confidence  in  Gilmore."  Saying  this, 
he  turned  about  to  his  desk,  and  after  awhile  read  to  us  the 
following  letter : 


54  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

DEAR  GOVERNOR  :  —  I  have  thought  over  the  interview  which 
Mr.  Gilmore  has  had  with  Mr.  Greeley,  and  the  proposal  that  Gree- 
ley  has  made  to  Gilmore,  namely,  that  he  (Gilmore)  shall  communi- 
cate to  him  (Greeley)  all  that  he  learns  from  you  of  the  inner 
workings  of  the  administration,  in  return  for  his  (Greeley's)  giving 
such  aid  as  he  can  to  the  new  magazine,  and  allowing  you  (Walker) 
from  time  to  time  the  use  of  his  (Greeley's)  columns  when  it  is  de- 
sirable to  feel  of,  or  forestall,  public  opinion  on  important  subjects. 
The  arrangement  meets  my  unqualified  approval,  and  I  shall  further 
it  to  the  extent  of  my  ability,  by  opening  to  you  —  as  I  do  now  — 
fully  the  policy  of  the  Government,  —  its  present  views  and  future 
intentions  when  formed,  —  giving  you  permission  to  communicate 
them  to  Gilmore  for  Greeley ;  and  in  case  you  go  to  Europe  I  will 
give  these  things  direct  to  Gilmore.  But  all  this  must  be  on  the  ex- 
press and  explicit  understanding  that  the  fact  of  these  communica- 
tions coming  from  me  shall  be  absolutely  confidential,  —  not  to  be 
disclosed  by  Greeley  to  his  nearest  friend,  or  to  any  of  his  subor- 
dinates. He  will  be,  in  effect,  my  mouthpiece,  but  I  must  not  be 
known  to  be  the  speaker. 

I  need  not  tell  you  that  I  have  the  highest  confidence  in  Mr. 
Greeley.  He  is  a  great  power.  Having  him  firmly  behind  me  will 
be  as  helpful  to  me  as  an  army  of  one  hundred  thousand  men.  That 
he  has  ever  kicked  the  traces  has  been  owing  to  his  not  being  fully 
informed.  Tell  Gilmore  to  say  to  him  that,  if  he  ever  objects  to  my 
policy,  I  shall  be  glad  to  have  him  state  to  me  his  views  frankly  and 
fully.  I  shall  adopt  his  if  I  can.  If  I  cannot,  I  will  at  least  tell  him 
why.  He  and  I  should  stand  together,  and  let  no  minor  differences 
come  between  us ;  for  we  both  seek  one  end,  which  is  the  saving  of 
our  country.  Now,  Governor,  this  is  a  longer  letter  than  I  have 
written  in  a  month,  —  longer  than  I  would  have  written  for  any 
other  man  than  Horace  Greeley. 

Your  friend,  truly, 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN. 

November  21,  1861. 

P.  S.  —  The  sooner  Gilmore  sees  Greeley,  the  better,  as  you 
may  before  long  think  it  wise  to  ventilate  our  policy  on  the  Trent 
affair. 


CONCEPTION   OF  EMANCIPATION.  55 

When  Mr.  Lincoln  had  finished  reading  the  foregoing,  he 
said,  "  Now,  Governor,  will  that  do  ?  " 

"  It  is  admirable,  Mr.  Lincoln,"  answered  Mr.  Walker. 
"You  are  the  ablest  diplomatist  I  ever  knew." 

"  I  beg  your  pardon,  —  I  can't  hold  a  candle  to  one 
Robert  J.  Walker.  Is  not  that  so,  Mr.  Gilmore  ?  " 

"  I'd  rather  not  say,  Mr.  Lincoln,  for  I  want  to  get  into 
your  good  graces  ;  but  I  will  tell  you  what  Horace  Greeley 
thinks  of  Mr.  Walker.  He  told  me  that  he  was  the  great- 
est man  we've  had  since  Ben  Franklin." 

"  Greeley  is  right,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln.  "  The  country 
doesn't  know  half  his  worth  or  ability." 

That  subject  being  disposed  of,  Mr.  Lincoln  alluded  to 
the  Trent  affair,  and  asked  if  I  had  observed,  from  our 
exchanges,  that  the  war  feeling  extended  throughout  the 
country. 

I  told  him  that  if  the  newspapers  were  a  criterion  of 
popular  sentiment,  it  extended  everywhere ;  and  undoubt- 
edly the  popular  feeling  was  intensely  bitter  towards  Eng- 
land. 

"  You  are  a  sensible  man,"  he  said.  "  You  don't  share 
this  feeling,  or,  if  you  do,  you  wouldn't  just  now  act  upon  it." 

"  I  don't  like  the  English  aristocracy,  sir ;  I  never  did. 
But  I  think  it  would  be  unfortunate  to  have  a  serious  quar- 
rel with  England  at  present,  for  doubtless  she  and  France 
would  at  once  acknowledge  the  independence  of  the  South. 
If  that  should  be  done,  would  it  not  so  dispirit  the  North 
that  the  people  would  fail  to  give  you  the  proper  support  ?  " 

"  Very  likely  it  would  have  a  discouraging  effect.  I  see 
what  you  mean,  —  you  think  this  Trent  affair  will  give 
Palmerston  the  pretext  he  wants.  But  has  not  the  Gov- 
ernor told  you  the  course  he  advises  me  to  take  to  check- 
mate that  gentleman  ?  " 


56  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

"  He  has  not,  —  we  have  not  discussed  the  subject." 

"  Then  I'll  tell  you,  in  confidence,  what  it  is :  To  disavow 
the  action  of  Captain  Wilkes,  give  up  Mason  and  Slidell, 
and  say  to  Palmerston  that  we  do  it  in  accord  with  the 
principle  on  which  we  fought  the  War  of  1812,  —  a  denial 
of  the  right  of  search.  To  be  ahead  of  them,  Seward  has 
already  written  Minister  Adams  to  that  effect,  and  in- 
structed him  to  say  to  Earl  Russell  that  we  are  merely 
waiting  the  British  demand  for  the  Confederate  gentlemen. 
This  will  probably  stave  off  France  and  England  for  the 
present.  They  will,  doubtless,  soon  seek  some  other  pre- 
text ;  if  they  should,  the  Governor  and  I  have  hit  upon  a 
plan  that  will  keep  their  hands  off  for  all  time  to  come. 
But  that  we  shall  use  only  as  the  very  last  resort." 

The  Governor  then  said,  "  Mr.  President,  would  it  not  do 
to  let  Mr.  Gilmore  know  the  course  you  have  decided  upon  ? 
He  is  bent  upon  going  into  an  unprofitable  enterprise,  and  if 
he  knew  your  intentions  he  might  decide  to  save  his  time 
and  money." 

"  But,  Governor,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  "  his  enterprise  is 
likely  to  serve  our  purpose.  However,  it  seems  but  fair  that 
he  should  know  our  intentions  ;  then  he  will  lose  his  money 
with  his  eyes  open.  But,  Mr.  Gilmore,  this  thing  is  known 
to  only  the  Governor  and  myself,  and  if  it  should  leak  out 
prematurely,  it  might  detract  from  its  effect  on  the  coun- 
try, and  give  me  no  end  of  embarrassment.  The  Governor 
says  you  are  water-tight;  *but  can  we  trust  you  abso- 
lutely?" 

"•  You  can,  sir,  if  you  don't  tell  me  your  plan.  If  the 
plan  is  of  prime  importance  I  prefer  not  to  know  it ;  for, 
should  some  one  else  let  it  out,  you  couldn't  then  shake 
your  brown  locks  at  me,  and  say  I  did  it." 

He  uttered  a  quiet,  pleasant  laugh  as  he  said,  "  You 


CONCEPTION  OF  EMANCIPATION.  57 

ought  to  know  Shakespeare  better ;  but  I'll  tell  you  the  plan, 
for  I'd  like  to  know  how  it  strikes  a  man  of  average  intel- 
lect and  intelligence.  You'll  be  a  criterion  of  how  it  would 
take  with  the  country." 

It  was  now  my  turn  to  laugh,  and  I  did  so,  saying,  "  You 
remind  me  of  Judge  Edmonds,  who,  whenever  he  writes  a 
brief,  or  an  opinion  on  some  knotty  or  intricate  legal  point, 
always  calls  his  daughter  —  who  is  entirely  ignorant  of 
law  —  into  his  room,  saying,  <  I  want  to  read  this  to  you, 
for  if  you  can  understand  it,  any  one  can.' 

"  Well,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  "  I  think  you  can  understand 
my  policy.  When  Wilkes,  in  an  excess  of  zeal,  took  those 
Southern  gentlemen  out  of  a  British  vessel,  it  occurred  to 
me  at  once  that  he  had  done  exactly  what  England  and 
France  wanted,  —  given  them  a  pretext  for  acknowledging 
the  Confederacy,  and  opening  its  ports  for  England  to  get 
its  cotton,  France  the  tobacco  it  has  stored  at  Richmond. 
I  lay  awake  all  night,  contriving  how  to  get  out  of  the 
scrape  without  loss  of  national  dignity.  Seward  was  for 
fight,  and  went  so  far  as  to  concoct  a  savage  despatch 
to  Adams;  but  I  told  him  that  one  war  at  a  time  was 
enough,  and  sent  for  the  Governor.  He  reminded  me  that 
we  fought  the  War  of  1812  in  denial  of  the  right  of  search, 
and  that  in  this  Trent  affair  we  had  violated  our  own  prin- 
ciples. Then  my  course  was  as  clear  as  noonday.  I  could 
disown  the  act  of  Wilkes  with  perfect  consistency.  Until 
the  Governor  gave  me  that  idea  I  could  see  no  way  out  of 
the  difficulty,  but  by  an  open  avowal  that  the  real  issue 
between  the  North  and  the  South  was  slavery,  and  by  issu- 
ing an  immediate  proclamation  declaring  free  every  slave 
in  the  States  now  in  rebellion.  Of  course,  the  proclama- 
tion, so  far  as  the  South  is  concerned,  would  be  a  Pope's 
bull  against  the  comet,  —  inoperative  except  within  the 


58  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

lines  of  our  armies,  —  but  it  would  tie  the  hands  of  Eng- 
land, for  no  British  Government  could  stand  for  a  day,  that 
sided  with  the  slave-owners  after  the  issue  between  slavery 
and  freedom  had  been  distinctly  stated.  To  checkmate 
England  would  be  to  checkmate  France,  for  Louis  Na- 
poleon would  not  dare  to  take  a  single  step  without 
Palmerston.  Then  we  could  say, '  We  are  fighting  for  the 
rights  of  man  against  a  slave-driving  oligarchy  that  would 
rivet  chains  upon  unborn  millions  ; '  and  on  that  platform 
the  whole  civilized  world  —  except  the  slaveholders  and 
the  copperheads  —  would  have  been  with  us." 

"  You  certainly,"  I  said,  "  would  have  created  a  moral 
force  that  would  ostracize  the  Confederacy  among  civilized 
nations.  Why  have  you  not  issued  the  proclamation  ?  " 

"  I'll  tell  you,"  he  replied,  "  and  this  is  what  you  are  to 
keep  absolutely  confidential.  It  is  because  the  Governor 
has  opposed  it.  I  got  so  enamored  of  the  idea,  from  intently 
brooding  upon  it,  that  I  was  disposed  to  take  the  bull  by 
the  horns  and  make  the  proclamation  at  once,  at  the  same 
time  that  I  disavowed  the  blunder  of  Wilkes,  but  the  Gov- 
ernor said :  '  You  must  not  do  it.  It  would  be  premature. 
You  don't  know  how  it  would  affect  the  North.  Keep  this 
in  reserve ;  the  disavowal  of  Wilkes  will  serve  your  present 
purpose.'  He  made  a  speech  on  the  occasion,  and  it  im- 
pressed me  so  strongly  that  I  can  repeat  every  word  of  it. 
He  said :  '  Mr.  President,  such  a  proclamation  issued  now, 
pending  a  settlement  of  the  Trent  affair,  will  lose  all  its 
moral  force.  Palmerston  and  the  English  aristocrats  will 
infer  that  we  see  ourselves  on  the  brink  of  ruin,  and  are 
playing  our  last  card.  I  know  Palmerston  personally, — 
he  is  astute,  clear-sighted,  but  pig-headed  and  tenacious  as 
his  own  bulldog.  He  would  say  to  his  Cabinet :  "  This  is 
merely  a  Yankee  trick,  and  any  fool  can  see  through  it. 


CONCEPTION  OF  EMANCIPATION.  59 

They  are  coming  the  moral  dodge,  —  as  if  the  world  was 
governed  by  moral  ideas.  You  and  I,  gentlemen,  know 
better.  It  is  governed  by  British  cannon  and  British 
common  sense,  and — damn  the  Yankees,  damn  the  niggers 
—  those  Southerners  are  gentlemen,  and  we  will  recognize 
them  at  the  first  favorable  opportunity."  This,  Mr.  Lincoln, 
is  the  view  that  Palmerston  would  take  of  such  a  proclama- 
tion. We  must  show  him  a  bold  front.  The  only  argu- 
ment he  can  understand  is  brute  force.  First  get  this 
Trent  affair  out  of  your  way,  and  then  come  out  squarely 
for  the  right,  giving  no  more  heed  to  Palmerston  and  that 
bogus  Bonaparte  than  if  they  were  not  in  existence.  The 
negro  must  be  freed ;  we  can  have  no  permanent  peace 
until  it  is  done.  And  you  will  have  to  do  it;  but  first 
make  sure  that  you  have  the  North  behind  you ! '  Now, 
Governor,  have  I  reported  you  correctly?" 

"  I  recognize  my  ideas,"  said  Mr.  Walker.  "  But  I  was 
not  aware  that  my  tone  was  quite  so  dictatorial." 

"  You  were  simply  in  earnest ;  it's  a  way  you  have  which 
I  don't  at  all  object  to.  Now,  Mr.  Gilmore,  I  am  holding 
back  a  proclamation  of  emancipation  for  such  an  emer- 
gency. How  do  you  think  one  would  be  received  at  the 
North?" 

I  answered:  "If  one  were  issued  to  prevent  the  inter- 
ference of  England,  or  any  other  foreign  power,  I  think  it 
would  meet  with  universal  approval ;  if  issued  without  such 
a  necessity,  and  merely  as  a  humanitarian  measure,  I  ques- 
tion if  it  would  have  much  popular  support.  You  told  me 
eight  months  ago  that,  after  thirty  years  of  agitation,  the 
Abolitionists  were  merely  a  corporal's  guard,  and  not  a  party ; 
and  you  were  right.  The  Abolitionists  have  failed  to  get 
converts  because  they  have  advocated  disunion ;  you  have 
got  soldiers  because  you  were  trying  to  save  the  Union. 


60  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

A  majority  in  the  North  would  welcome  an  emancipation 
proclamation,  if  they  were  fully  convinced  that  the  Union 
could  not  be  saved  without  destroying  slavery.  Convince 
them  of  that,  and  you  will  be  the  saviour  of  the  country." 

"  You  are  going  to  help  me  do  that  by  appealing,  the 
Governor  says,  to  the  spirit  of  nationality  among  the 
people.  Now,  Mr.  Gilmore,  you  know  if  such  a  procla- 
mation should  once  be  issued,  we  should  have  to  stand  by 
it,  and  refuse  any  settlement  with  the  South  that  did  not 
recognize  the  freedom  of  the  slaves.  Is  the  negro  fit  for 
freedom  ?  " 

"  That  depends,  Mr.  Lincoln,  on  what  you  consider  fit- 
ness. If  you  ask  if  he  would  be  self-supporting,  I  should 
answer  that  he  had  supported  his  master,  and  could  un- 
doubtedly support  himself ;  if  you  ask  if  he  is  fit  to  have 
the  suffrage,  or  to  govern  the  smallest  community  of  even 
his  own  color,  I  should  say  most  decidedly  that  he  is  not, 
—  confining  the  remark  to  the  vast  majority  of  the  present 
slaves.  I  would  give  the  negro  freedom,  —  let  him  own  his 
own  body  and  his  own  soul, — but  not  allow  him  to  control 
the  bodies  and  souls  of  other  men." 

"  But  in  this  country  a  man  is  not  a  man  unless  he  has 
the  right  to  vote." 

"  I  admit  that ;  but  we  do  not  give  the  suffrage  to 
minors,  and  some  of  the  best-governed  States  deny  it  to  all 
who  cannot  read  their  Constitution.  The  great  majority 
of  the  slaves  are  merely  children,  and  scarcely  one  in  a 
thousand  can  read  and  write.  You  will  have  to  give  them 
freedom ;  but  if  you  couple  suffrage  with  it,  you  will  sow 
a  crop  of  dragon's  teeth  in  the  South  that  will  yield  no  end 
of  trouble.  It  will  produce  antagonism  between  the  races. 
In  some  sections  the  negro  is  in  the  majority,  and  no  white 
man  will  submit  to  the  domination  of  the  black.  The  fear 


CONCEPTION  OF  EMANCIPATION.  61 

that  it  may  be  coming  is  what  makes  the  Southern  rank 
and  file  fight  us  so  desperately." 

"  Well,"  remarked  Mr.  Lincoln,  "  we  will  manage  to  get 
across  that  stream  if  we  ever  come  to  it.  Speaking  of 
dragon's  teeth,  I  think  they  were  sown  when  the  first  cargo 
of  negroes  was  brought  into  Jamestown  in  1620.  You 
believe  in  Providence,  —  will  you  tell  me  why  he  allowed 
the  African  to  be  made  a  slave  in  this  country  ?  " 

"I  believe  in  Providence,  Mr.  Lincoln,  because  I  read 
history,  and  see  one  far-reaching,  all-embracing  plan  run- 
ning through  it,  that  can  have  emanated  from  only  an  over- 
ruling mind  that  has  all  things  in  control ;  but  I  am  not  a 
member  of  the  Almighty's  Cabinet,  and  cannot  always  per- 
ceive the  reason  for  some  of  his  doings.  I  can  put  facts 
together,  and  draw  conclusions ;  but  I  cannot  wholly  grasp 
a  plan  that  stretches  across  a  thousand  centuries.  I  hope  to 
solve  some  problems  when  I  get  to  the  other  side  of  Jordan. 
It  is  very  certain  that  if  I  am  then  alive  and  well,  I  shall 
ask  some  questions." 

Mr.  Lincoln  laughed,  saying :  "  Very  likely,  if  you  have 
managed  to  keep  out  of  the  fire.  But  you  needn't  wait 
that  long  to  answer  my  question, — you  must  have  ques- 
tioned why  a  Benevolent  Being  has  allowed  the  blacks  to 
exist  here  in  abject  servitude  for  now  two  hundred  and 
forty  years." 

"  I  have,  and  the  question  always  staggered  me  ju^Ml  I 
saw  some  of  Lamar's  recent  importations.  rCuey  were 
fresh  from  the  jungles  of  Africa,  —  about  nine-tenths  ani- 
mal, and  one-tenth  human  being.  I  was  tempted  to  buy 
one,  and  send  him  to  Darwin  as  the  'missing  link'  that 
scientists  have  so  long  been  in  search  of.  They  showed 
me  what  the  American  negro  had  risen  from,  and  then 
I  saw  the  wisdom  of  Providence  in  permitting  African 


62  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

slavery.  It  was  to  elevate  and  Christianize  the  race  so 
it  might  enter  the  future  life  at  a  far  higher  level  than  it 
would  have  taken  had  it  gone  there  from  its  native  Africa. 
From  that  view-point,  slavery  has  been  an  unspeakable  bless- 
ing to  the  negro  ;  and  I  take  it  that  God  has  both  worlds 
in  view  when  he  shapes  the  destiny  of  men  and  nations. 
He  allowed  slavery  to  benefit  the  blacks ;  he  has  per- 
mitted it  to  continue  until  it  has  demoralized  the  whites, 
and  they  would  make  it  universal ;  and  now  he  is  bring- 
ing it  to  an  end  to  save  both  whites  and  blacks.  And 
the  end  is  coming  in  the  same  blood  and  struggle  that 
have  marked  every  forward  step  in  human  progress." 

"  There  are  four  millions  of  blacks  here,  —  there  are  far 
more  in  Africa.  Are  they  to  be  left  in  their  low-down, 
animal  condition?" 

"  I  think  not.  Speke  and  Grant,  Baker  and  Livingstone 
have  already  opened  the  door  of  that  continent,  and  before 
many  years  the  white  man  will  go  there  with  the  spelling- 
book,  the  railroad,  and  the  telegraph,  and  ere  long  '  Ethio- 
pia will  stretch  out  her  hands  unto  God.'  But  those  people 
will  not  reach  civilization  through  the  purgatory  of  slavery. 
They  will  come  to  it  owning  their  own  bodies  and  their 
own  souls,  and  I  suspect  their  souls  are  of  as  much  real 
account  as  ours.  The  Captain  of  the  Lord's  Host  has 
planned  this  war,  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  so  I  have  faith  in 
the  end,  and  I  believe  you  will  do  your  part  in  it  like  a 
true  soldier." 

"  I  shall  try  to,"  he  said,  "  God  being  my  helper. 
Now,  good-by.  Come  to  see  me  whenever  you  are  in 
Washington." 

I  called  upon  Mr.  Greeley  on  the  following  afternoon, 
and  found  him,  as  usual,  at  his  desk  writing.  He  turned 


CONCEPTION  OF  EMANCIPATION.  63 

around  as  I  entered,  and,  without  rising,  held  out  his 
hand,  saying,  "  I'm  glad  to  see  you.  Have  you  been 
to  Washington  ?  " 

"  Yes,  sir,"  I  answered,  "  and  I'll  detain  you  but  a  few 
moments.  Here  are  a  couple  of  letters  that  will  tell  you 
the  whole  story." 

He  glanced  over  them,  and  then  re-read  that  from  Mr. 
Lincoln,  carefully,  his  face  beaming  with  a  simple  joyous- 
ness.  Then  he  said  :  "  He  is  a  wonderful  man,  —  wonder- 
ful. I  never  can  harbor  a  thought  against  him,  except 
when  I  keep  away  from  him.  You  must  let  me  keep  this 
letter." 

"  I  doubt  if  I  can,  Mr.  Greeley.  You  notice  what  he 
says  about  the  arrangement  being  confidential.  Of  course 
it  would  come  out  if  the  letter  were  seen  by  any  one." 

"  It  shall  not  be  seen.  I  want  it  just  to  look  at  when  I 
am  downhearted.  The  approval  of  such  a  man  is  worth 
having." 

"  Then,  sir,  keep  it  until  I  again  see  Mr.  Lincoln.  If  he 
objects,  I  shall  have  to  reclaim  it.  I  propose  to  be  abso- 
lutely frank  with  you,  Mr.  Greeley;  that  and  the  other 
letter  were  written  to  give  you  confidence  in  me,  and  to 
assure  you  that  they  would  strictly  keep  their  part  of 
the  agreement." 

"  So  I  understand  it ;  and  about  this  Trent  affair.  Did 
the  Governor  tell  you  what  their  intentions  are  ?  " 

"  No,  but  Mr.  Lincoln  did  in  the  Governor's  presence." 

I  then  repeated  to  him,  word  for  word,  what  the  Presi- 
dent had  said  about  it,  when  he  remarked :  "  Those  are 
precisely  my  views.  Shall  I  state  them  in  the  Tribune, 
omitting  the  intentions  of  the  Government?" 

"I  would  suggest  that  you  wait  until  I  hear  from  Mr. 
Walker." 


64  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

"Very  well.  What  does  Walker  say  as  to  his  being 
Secretary  of  State?" 

"That  it  would  not  be  wise,  —  that  he  can  serve  the 
country  better  in  a  private  capacity,  just  as  you  do.  But 
I  infer,  from  what  the  Governor  said,  that  Seward's  influ- 
ence is  waning  with  Lincoln ;  Walker,  I  know,  he  regards 
very  highly." 

"  Thank  God  for  that,  —  it  will  prevent  any  evil  Seward 
might  do.  And  you,  —  are  you  resolved  to  go  on  with 
your  money-spending  adventure  ?  " 

"  Yes,  until  the  money  gives  out." 

"  When  it  does,  come  to  me,  and  I'll  make  a  berth 
for  you." 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THE   GENESIS   OF   THE   BOOK   "AMONG   THE   PINES." 

IT  was  late  in  November,  1861,  and  to  conform  to  the 
custom  of  the  periodical  trade  the  January  number  of  the 
new  magazine  had  to  be  in  the  hands  of  the  public  by 
the  middle  of  December.  All  of  it  was  in  type  and  ready  to 
be  printed  except  the  first  of  a  series  of  Southern  sketches 
that  had  been  promised  by  Richard  B.  Kimball,  when  one 
morning  that  gentleman  entered  my  private  office  and  an- 
nounced to  me  that  he  could  not  possibly  have  his  article 
ready  for  our  first  number.  His  mind  had  been  engrossed 
with  some  important  negotiations ;  and,  though  he  had 
tried,  he  had  not  been  able  to  get  into  the  mood  for  sketch- 
writing.  I  remonstrated  with  him,  told  him  the  sketch 
was  a  positive  necessity,  that  the  magazine  without  it 
would  be  the  play  of  Hamlet  with  Hamlet  omitted ;  but  it 
was  all  to  no  avail,  his  mental  machinery,  he  said,  was  out 
of  gear,  and  to  make  it  work  was  impossible. 

Sitting  with  me  at  the  time  was  Mrs.  Caroline  M.  Kirk- 
land,  the  distinguished  woman  who  was  the  originator  and 
efficient  manager  of  the  great  "  Sanitary  Commission,"  of 
which  Dr.  Henry  W.  Bellows  was  president.  I  had  been 
fortunate  enough  to  secure  her  as  a  contributor,  and  hav- 
ing heard  the  conversation,  she  said :  "  Pardon  me,  but 
why  don't  you  write  the  sketch  yourself  ?  You  know  the 
South  better  than  Mr.  Kimball.  He  is  acquainted  with 
but  one  of  the  States;  you  know  them  all." 

65 


66  PEE  SON AL  RECOLLECTION S. 

"  But,"  I  replied,  "  I  am  not  a  magazine  writer.  Besides, 
I  don't  know  what  to  say,  —  where  to  begin  or  to  end." 

"  Begin  anywhere,  —  tell  some  of  those  stories  about  the 
South  that  you've  told  to  me  ;  your  trip  up  the  Waccamaw 
would  do  to  commence  with,  —  that  time  you  swam  the 
river  with  a  horse  and  wagon,  and  slept  all  night  in  a 
room  with  a  grass  widow  and  her  beautiful  daughter,, 
whose  only  garment  was  a  linsey  gown.  Describe  that 
family,  —  you  couldn't  better  illustrate  the  ruinous  influ- 
ence of  slavery  upon  the  Southern  whites.  Write  out  the 
story  just  as  you  have  told  it  to  me,  and  I  will  throw  it 
into  shape  so  it  will  pass  muster.  Now  do  this.  You  can 
make  your  knowledge  of  service  to  the  country,  —  if  you 
can't  shoulder  a  musket,  you  can  blow  a  bugle." 

I  acted  on  her  suggestion,  and  the  letter  which  she  sub- 
sequently wrote  me,  thanking  God  for  having  put  it  into 
her  head  to  suggest  to  me  the  writing  of  "  Among  the 
Pines,"  is  now  preserved  in  the  historical  library  of  the 
Johns  Hopkins  University.  She  was  one  of  those  grand 
women  who  are  the  glory  of  our  country. 

Two  mornings  after  the  foregoing  interview  I  handed  to 
Mr.  Leland  the  sketch  I  had  written.  In  a  short  time  he 
came  into  my  room  with  the  manuscript,  saying,  "  This  is 
admirable,  —  just  what  we  want." 

"  I  am  glad  you  like  it,"  I  replied.  "  I'll  take  it  at  once 
to  Mrs.  Kirkland,  and  have  her  put  it  into  shape." 

"No,  you  won't,"  he  said,  coolly  thrusting  the  manuscript 
into  his  pocket.  "And  to  make  sure  of  that,  I'll  take  it 
myself  to  the  printer." 

In  due  time  the  initial  number  of  the  magazine  was 
issued,  and  about  one-third  of  an  edition  of  10,000  copies, 
with  "  Please  exchange  "  stamped  upon  each,  was  sent  to  the 
leading  newspapers  throughout  the  North.  Soon  returns 


GENESIS  OF  "AMONG   THE  PINES."  67 

began  to  come  in,  and,  to  my  inexpressible  delight,  I 
observed  that  we  were  already  making  an  impression. 
Some  of  the  ablest  journals,  both  East  and  West,  com- 
mented favorably  upon  Leland's  article,  approving  of  his 
position,  and  several  of  them  quoted  my  sketch  entire, — 
among  them  the  Weekly  Tribune,  —  giving  credit  to  the 
Continental  Monthly,  which  was  the  best  sort  of  an  adver- 
tisement. 

In  great  glee  I  wrote  Mr.  Walker :  "  Glory  hallelujah ! 
Our  little  leaven  will  soon  leaven  the  whole  lump,  and 
every  Northern  man  will  turn  into  a  musket." 

He  replied :  "  I  am  rejoiced  at  your  success,  and  the 
magazine  deserves  it.  The  article  on  'The  Situation' 
(which  I  suppose  is  Leland's)  is  admirable.  Horace 
Greeley's  is  good.  '  Among  the  Pines '  is  excellent.  I  see 
that  it  is  the  first  of  a  series.  I  like  the  ring  of  that  man ; 
hold  on  to  him.  The  article  on  the  '  Slave  Trade  in  New 
York '  is  timely  ;  but  the  best  thing  in  the  magazine  is 
that  <  Universal  Cotton-gin '  in  the  Editor's  Table.  The 
writer  must  know  Jeff  Davis.  His  description  of  him  is 
perfect,  and  his  rendering  of  Davis's  stilted  talk  is  ad- 
mirable : 

4<  <  A  haggard  man  of  sallow  hue, 

Upon  his  nose  the  goggles  blue, 

And  in  his  cart  a  model  U- 

Niversal  Nigger  Cotton-gin.' 

"  I  read  it  last  night  to  a  dinner-party  of  about  twenty, 
— mostly  Senators  and  Representatives, — and  they  literally 
roared  with  laughter,  as  did  Mr.  Lincoln  when  he  called 
my  attention  to  it  the  other  morning.  He  says  he  will  pay 
that  man's  fare  if  he'll  come  on  and  spend  an  evening  with 
him.  Keep  the  writer  at  that  sort  of  work, — such  things 
are  very  effective.  By  the  way,  Mr.  Lincoln  suggests  that 


68  PERSONAL  EECOLLECTION8. 

it  had  better  not  be  known  just  yet  that  I  feel  any  special 
interest  in  the  magazine.  So,  if  you  have  told  Leland,  ask 
him  to  say  nothing ;  also  Horace  Greeley,  —  the  reason  I 
leave  you  to  guess.  Please  read  the  enclosed  to  Greeley, 
and  write  me  what  he  says." 

The  "  enclosed  "  was  a  memorandum  of  what  had  best 
be  said  in  the  Tribune  on  some  matter  of  public  interest ; 
but  what  it  was  I  cannot  now  remember,  and  I  did  not 
retain  the  manuscript.  I  replied  to  Mr.  Walker  that 
Greeley  would  follow  his  suggestion,  and  that  I  had 
written  the  "  Cotton-gin,"  but  must  decline  Mr.  Lincoln's 
invitation  on  conscientious  grounds,  —  not  thinking  that  at 
the  present  price  of  potatoes  he  could  afford  to  be  so  lavish 
on  a  limited  salary. 

The  circulation  of  the  Continental  increased  monthly, 
and  it  was  in  reality  a  good  magazine,  —  made  so  by  the 
unwearied  zeal  of  Charles  G.  Leland,  and  the  ability  dis- 
played by  its  contributors.  Among  its  articles  none 
pleased  me  more  than  several  from  my  former  business 
partner,  Mr.  Frederic  Kidder,  of  Boston ;  and  none  dis- 
played more  ability  than  two  contributed  by  A.  Oakey 
Hall,  then  District  Attorney,  and  subsequently  Mayor  of 
New  York  during  the  time  of  the  "  Tweed  ring,"  when  he 
became  the  victim  of  scoundrels.  This  for  a  moment  cast 
a  shadow  upon  his  name ;  but  through  it  all  his  friends 
knew  —  what  has  since  been  proved  —  that  a  more  up- 
right, incorruptible  man,  or  a  purer,  more  disinterested 
patriot  than  he  never  held  office  in  this  country. 

Oakey  Hall's  first  article  was  on  Mr.  Seward's  recent 
diplomacy;  his  second  was  the  first  of  the  projected 
"  Cabinet  Session "  series,  for  which  Mr.  Seward  was  to 
furnish  the  facts  to  be  written  out  by  Mr.  Hall.  This  last 
article  excited  great  public  interest,  and  I  looked  eagerly 


GENESIS   OF  "AMONG   THE  PINES."  69 

for  the  second  of  the  series.  The  manuscript  not  arriving 
in  due  time,  Mr.  Leland  wrote  Mr.  Hall  urging  its  prompt 
delivery.  The  data  had  not  been  forwarded  by  Mr.  Seward, 
and  Mr.  Hall  informed  him  of  Mr.  Leland's  inquiry.  The 
answer,  which  came  by  due  course  of  mail,  was,  "Damn 
Leland  and  the  Continental;"  which  illustrates  the  wisdom 
of  not  counting  one's  chickens  until  they  are  hatched. 
Leland  had  suggested  to  me  that  an  announcement  of  the 
series  might  aid  the  circulation  of  the  magazine ;  but  I  had 
replied:  "No,  no!  The  Indian  remarked  that  the  white 
man  is  uncertain,  and  the  nigger  will  steal." 

Despite  the  disfavor  of  Mr.  Seward,  the  Continental  was 
a  success,  —  not  in  a  money  way,  but  in  a  higher  field 
where  money  is  counted  as  dross,  and  men  shed  their  blood 
freely  for  a  principle.  It  roused  the  country  to  a  sense  of 
the  gravity  of  the  situation.  I  never  took  up  one  of  our 
exchanges  —  and  I  watched  them  narrowly — but  I  saw 
some  of  its  thoughts  filtered  through  the  pen  of  some  local 
editor,  or  uttered  in  the  bugle  tones  of  Charles  Godfrey 
Leland.  It  was  a  great  force  in  the  awakening  of  the 
country.  I  can  say  this  with  no  sham  expression  of 
modesty,  for  though  I  footed  its  bills,  Leland  was  the  Con- 
tinental Monthly. 

Leland  was  an  all-accomplished  literary  man,  with  a 
knowledge  absolutely  encyclopaedic,  and  so  fully  at  com- 
mand that  he  could  write  on  any  ordinary  subject  at  a 
moment's  notice.  He  wrote  verse  with  as  much  facility 
as  he  did  prose.  His  "  Cavalry  Song,"  which  stirred 
the  blood  of  the  country  like  the  peals  of  a  bugle,  was 
dashed  off  at  a  single  sitting ;  and  I  have  known  him  to 
write  ten  or  twenty  lines  of  perfect  rhyme,  to  fill  a  vacant 
space,  while  the  messenger  who  brought  the  proof  was  in 
waiting.  He  spoke  a  number  of  modern  languages,  and 


70  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

Ralph  Waldo  Emerson  once  told  me  that  he  was  the  best 
German  scholar  in  this  country.  But  he  was  more  than  a 
scholar  or  a  mere  literary  man.  He  was  a  large-hearted, 
large-minded  lover  of  his  country;  and  he  loved  it,  not 
simply  because  he  was  born  in  it,  but  because  he  believed 
it  to  be  the  chosen  nursery  of  freedom,  where  the  working- 
man  is  to  come  into  his  rights,  and  be  given  the  means  to 
develop  himself  up  to  what  nature  has  intended  him.  Born 
the  son  of  a  rich  man,  his  strongest  sympathies  were  with 
the  poor.  It  is  an  instinct  of  human  nature  to  feel  for  the 
''under  dog."  This  with  most  men  is  an  inactive  senti- 
ment; with  Leland  it  was  an  active  principle,  and  it  led 
him  to  work,  and,  if  occasion  required,  to  fight,  for  the  less 
fortunate,  of  whatever  race  or  nationality.  This  he  showed 
during  the  French  Revolution  of  1848,  when,  a  young 
student  in  Paris,  he  fought,  stripped  to  the  waist,  a  red 
bandanna  about  his  head,  all  day  in  defence  of  one  of  the 
barricades.  When  the  fight  was  over,  he  called,  at  the 
head  of  a  delegation  of  workingmen,  on  the  Lamartine  Gov- 
ernment ;  and  I  know  of  nothing  more  picturesque  than 
the  cartoon  which  was  then  made  of  him  and  plastered 
upon  nearly  every  wall  in  Paris.  He  was  a  magnificent 
character  and  a  most  lovable  man.  I  have  known  few, 
very  few,  for  whom  I  have  conceived  so  strong  and  abiding 
an  affection ;  and  I  still  count  it  among  the  fortunate  things 
of  my  life  that  he  was  for  about  two  years  my  almost  daily 
associate. 

About  May,  1862,  the  increasing  business  of  the  new 
magazine  demanding  more  attention  to  details  than  I  cared 
to  give  it,  I  arranged  with  George  P.  Putnam,  the  well- 
known  publisher,  to  attend  to  its  business,  through  Mr. 
Charles  T.  Evans,  his  agent  for  managing  the  Rebellion 
Record,  and  now,  I  think,  Secretary  of  the  Baptist  Publica- 


GENESIS  OF  "AMONG   THE  PINES."  71 

tion  Society.  Accordingly  my  headquarters  were  removed 
to  his  establishment  in  Broadway,  and  there,  one  morning, 
Richard  B.  Kimball,  who  was  then  writing  for  the  Conti- 
nental his  novel,  "Was  He  Successful,"  came  into  my 
room,  having  in  his  hand  the  magazine  which  contained  my 
description  of  a  negro  funeral.  He  was  one  of  the  very 
few  who  knew  that  I  was  the  writer  of  the  series  of  papers 
entitled  "  Among  the  Pines,"  and  now  he  said  to  me : 
"  You  must  finish  these  sketches  for  book  publication. 
They  will  take  with  the  public,  —  my  publisher,  Carleton, 
"would  be  glad  to  publish  them." 

Acting  on  this  suggestion,  I  got  together  the  sketches, 
so  far  as  published,  and  called  upon  Mr.  Carleton,  offering 
to  have  the  work  completed,  and  to  accept  for  it  the  usual 
royalty  of  ten  per  cent.,  after  he  had  realized  enough  from 
sales  to  reimburse  him  for  the  cost  of  the  stereotype  plates. 
He  took  the  copies  of  the  magazine  for  examination,  and  in 
a  few  days  reported  to  me  that  "  Paper  is  high,  times  are 
dull,  and  people  won't  buy  books  when  things  look  so 
squally,"  —  in  short,  he  declined  the  book  in  the  usual 
style,  "  with  thanks,"  and  I  went  back  to  my  office  a 
"rejected  author,"  but  congratulating  myself  that  Carleton 
did  not  know  that  I  had  written  the  book. 

At  the  office  I  told  Mr.  Evans  that  we  must  dismiss  all 
thought  of  book  publication.  In  reply,  he  said,  "I  have 
had  an  estimate  made  on  the  cost  of  the  plates  and  print- 
ing, and,  with  paper  at  twenty-five  cents  a  pound,  we  can 
get  out  an  edition  of  two  thousand  for  $600.  Let  me  pub- 
lish it  in  your  name." 

"  No,  no,"  I  said,  "  I  am  behind  on  the  magazine  nearly 
$3,000,  and,  even  now,  am  losing  $300  a  month.  I  can't 
go  into  any  side  speculations." 

"  But  you  will  consent,  if  I  sell  in  advance  a  thousand 


72  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

copies  for  enough  to  cover  the  cost  of  the  whole 
edition?" 

"  Of  course  I  will ;  and  as  a  reward  of  merit,  and  to 
send  your  name  down  to  future  generations,  I  will  have 
it  placed  on  the  title-page." 

On  the  following  day  he  reported  to  me  that  he  had  sold 
to  Mr.  M.  Doolady,  a  prominent  bookseller,  whom  he 
described  as  a  "  dyed-in-the-wool  Democrat  of  the  Cop- 
perhead variety,"  one  thousand  copies  of  a  12mo  book, 
to  be  called  "  Among  the  Pines."  The  price  would  cover 
the  disbursements  on  an  edition  of  two  thousand,  and  that 
same  day  the  two-thirds  of  the  work  already  written  was 
sent  to  a  printing-house  to  be  stereotyped. 

The  book  was  kindly  received  by  the  critics.  In  the 
Tribune  was  a  long  and  laudatory  notice,  though  neither 
Mr.  George  Ripley  (the  literary  editor)  nor  Horace 
Greeley  knew  me  to  be  its  author.  During  the  first 
thirty  days,  the  edition  of  two  thousand  copies  was  dis- 
posed of,  and  then  the  orders  began  to  pour  in  like  a 
rushing  stream,  fifty,  one  hundred,  and  even  two  hundred, 
in  a  day,  until,  by  the  end  of  the  second  thirty  days,  they 
had  run  up,  if  I  remember  aright,  to  over  nine  thousand 
copies.  As,  from  time  to  time,  Mr.  Evans  said  to  me, 
"  We  need  to  print  another  thousand,"  I  answered,  "  Go 
ahead,  I  have  a  few  dollars  in  bank ;  enough  to  last  until 
collections  come  in." 

But  collections  did  not  come  in.  The  books  had  been 
sent  to  the  ends  of  the  country,  and  sold  for  cash;  but 
cash  meant,  at  that  time,  thirty  or  sixty,  or  even  ninety 
days;  and  by  the  latter  period,  from  the  constant  stream 
of  orders,  I  was  scudding  under  bare  poles,  —  that  is,  with 
a  bank  account  leaner  than  Pharaoh's  lean  kine,  and 
with  the  printer's  bill  for  the  Continental  coming  due 


GENESIS   OF  "AMONG   THE  PINES."  73 

within  a  fortnight.  "This  will  never  do,"  I  said  to  Mr. 
Evans.  "  Tell  Putnam  he  must  take  the  book." 

"  He  can't,"  he  answered ;  "  he  has  not  yet  settled  with 
his  creditors.  More  than  that,  he  can't  command  the 
money." 

"  Then  the  book  must  stop,  —  I  won't  be  bothered  with 
cramped  finances." 

"  That  would  be  a  pity,"  said  Mr.  Evans.  "  Rather  than 
do  that  you'd  better  go  to  Carleton." 

I  knew  Mr.  Carleton  well,  and  thus  needed  no  special 
business  as  an  excuse  for  strolling  into  his  establishment ; 
but  having  in  mind  his  refusal  of  the  book,  I  intended  that 
any  overture  for  its  publication  should  come  from  him,  and 
not  from  me.  He  did  not  at  once  observe  my  entrance, 
but,  as  soon  as  he  did,  he  came  to  where  I  was  examining 
the  new  books  upon  his  counter,  and  taking  my  hand,  said, 
"  What  a  dunce  I  was,  not  to  have  taken  that  book, 
'  Among  the  Pines.'  " 

"  Not  a  dunce,  Carleton,"  I  answered,  "  you  simply  made 
a  mistake.  However,  it  is  not  too  late  to  remedy  it,  if  you 
are  so  disposed ;  for  the  book  has  made  me  poorer  than  a 
church  mouse." 

"  Is  that  so,  —  do  you  own  the  plates  ?  " 

On  my  answering  in  the  affirmative,  he  said,  "  Well,  I'll 
take  at  cost  what  unfinished  stock  you  have  on  hand ;  let 
you  have  what  money  you  want,  and  pay  you  a  royalty 
of  twenty-five  per  cent." 

My  answer  was,  "  Very  well.     It  is  a  bargain." 

In  half  an  hour  the  contract  was  signed,  and  then  he 
said,  "  What  money  shall  I  give  you  ? " 

"  A  thousand  dollars  will  do,"  I  answered ;  but  on  look- 
ing at  the  check  which  he  handed  me,  I  noticed  it  was  for 
two  thousand. 


74  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

An  account  which  is  now  before  me  shows  that  during 
the  succeeding  six  months  Mr.  Carleton  paid  me,  for  royalty 
on  that  book,  forty-seven  hundred  and  fifty  dollars.  My 
total  profits  upon  it  were  something  over  thirteen  thousand ; 
and  they  were  nearly  as  much  on  another  book,  "  My 
Southern  Friends,"  which  also  grew  out  of  the  Continental. 
My  total  loss  upon  the  magazine  was  sixty-three  hundred 
dollars,  and  all  my  publishing  friends  had  predicted  it 
would  be  twenty  thousand.  I  went  into  the  enterprise 
counting  upon  a  loss ;  but  having  "  cast  my  bread  upon 
the  waters,"  it  returned  to  me  "  after  many  days." 


CHAPTER  VH. 

THE   EMANCIPATION    PROCLAMATION. 

THE  book  "  Among  the  Pines  "  was  published  in  June, 
1862,  and  as  soon  as  it  was  issued  I  forwarded  a  dozen 
copies  of  it  to  Robert  J.  Walker ;  and  being  in  Washington 
in  the  August  following,  he  told  me  that  he  had  given  a 
copy  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  who  had  read  it,  and  desired  to  talk 
with  me  about  it.  A  messenger  was  then  sent  to  the  White 
House,  and  he  soon  returned  with  the  request  that  we  would 
call  there  at  half  past  two.  Meanwhile,  Mr.  Walker  had 
said  to  me :  "  I  have  good  news  for  you,  but  it  must  be 
strictly  confidential,  —  the  Emancipation  Proclamation  is 
decided  upon." 

"  That  is  good  news,"  I  answered.  "  But  why  have  you 
not  let  me  know  of  it  ?  It  would  have  saved  all  the  recent 
discontent  of  Mr.  Greeley.  When  was  it  decided  on  ? " 

"  When  McClellan  abandoned  the  siege  of  Richmond,  and 
entrenched  himself  on  the  James  River.  On  the  3d  of  July 
he  telegraphed  to  the  War  Department  that  he  had  not  over 
50,000  men  left  with  their  colors,  and  asked  for  100,000 
more.  Mr.  Lincoln  then  decided  to  go  down  to  Harrison's 
Landing  to  ascertain  what  had  become  of  the  magnificent 
army  of  160,000  which  McClellan  had  taken  to  the  Penin- 
sula. McClellan  had  previously  written  the  President  that 
any  expression  of  radical  views  upon  slavery  would  rapidly 
disintegrate  our  armies,  and  during  this  visit  he  plied  him 
with  arguments  to  the  same  effect.  They  had  no  other  re- 

75 


76  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

suit  than  to  make  Mr.  Lincoln  think  more  and  more  seri- 
ously upon  the  subject ;  and  on  his  return  he  said  to  me, 
1  We  are  beaten  —  we  must  change  our  tactics.  I  think  the 
time  has  about  come  to  strike  that  blow  against  slavery.' 
I  told  him  I  agreed  with  him,  and  that  I  thought  it  would 
turn  the  tide.  Two  days  later  he  handed  me  his  first  draft 
of  an  Emancipation  Proclamation.  There  was  not  a  word 
or  a  line  in  it  to  alter,  and  I  suggested  its  being  at  once 
submitted  to  the  Cabinet,  and  published  to  the  country. 
Mr.  Lincoln  delayed  a  few  days  to  give  fuller  consideration 
to  some  features  of  the  document,  and  then  read  it  to  his 
Cabinet.  All  the  members  were  present,  and  all  approved 
of  it ;  but  Mr.  Seward  objected  to  its  immediate  publication. 
He  thought  that  given  out  in  the  midst  of  our  present  dis- 
asters, it  would  seem  a  cry  of  despair,  a  confession  of  the 
utter  exhaustion  of  the  Government ;  and  he  advised  that 
its  issue  should  be  postponed  till  some  decided  victory 
should  have  relieved  the  public  mind  of  its  present  depres- 
sion." 

"That,"  I  remarked,  "was  in  July,  and  it  is  now  the 
18th  of  August,  and  our  condition  is  worse  rather  than 
better.  Would  not  the  Proclamation  improve  things,  —  be 
of  itself  such  a  change  of  front  as  would  be  equivalent  to  a 
victory  ?  " 

"  It  might  be  so,"  he  said,  "  and  I  am  inclined  to  think  it 
would  be ;  but  Mr.  Lincoln  thinks  it  best  to  wait  a  little 
longer.  He  is  hoping  for  some  encouraging  action  from 
General  Pope  and  the  new  Army  of  Virginia." 

"  I  think  that  all  of  Mr.  Greeley's  impatience  would  be 
removed  if  he  knew  these  facts.  Shall  I  be  at  liberty  to 
tell  him?" 

"  We  had  better  ask  Mr.  Lincoln.  I  have  suggested  it, 
but  he  has  been  fearful  Greeley  would  let  it  leak  out." 


THE  EMANCIPATION  PROCLAMATION.  77 

At  half  past  two  precisely,  we  were  shown  into  Mr.  Lin- 
coln's private  room  at  the  White  House.  On  no  previous 
occasion  had  he  seemed  so  attractive  to  me  as  then,  both  in 
manner  and  appearance.  His  deep-sunk,  dark  gray  eye 
had  a  soft,  kindly  expression,  and  I  never  knew  a  smile  so 
positively  captivating.  It  transfigured  his  whole  face,  mak- 
ing his  plain  features  actually  good-looking,  so  that  I  could 
agree  with  Caroline  M.  Kirkland,  who  not  long  before  had 
told  me  that  he  was  the  handsomest  man  she  had  ever  seen. 
When  he  had  motioned  us  to  a  couple  of  seats,  he  said  to 
me  :  "  Well,  Mr.  Edmund  Kirke,  do  you  know  it  is  a  long 
time  since  I  beheld  the  light  of  your  countenance.  Since 
then  how  many  volumes  of  prose  and  poetry  have  you 
written  ?  " 

"  One  volume  of  prose,  Mr.  Lincoln.  I  never  write 
poetry." 

"  Don't  you  call  '  The  London  Times  on  American 
Affairs '  poetry  ?  "  Then  leaning  back  in  his  chair,  he  re- 
peated, with  correct  pronunciation,  and  an  indescribably 
comic  expression,  the  following: 

"  John  Bull  vos  a-valkin'  his  parlor  von  day, 
Ha-fixin'  the  vorld  wery  much  his  hown  vay, 
Ven  igstrawnary  news  cum  from  hover  the  sea, 
Habout  the  great  country  vot  brags  it  is  free. 

"  Hand  these  vos  the  tidin's  this  news  it  did  tell, 
That  great  Yankee  Doodle  vos  goin'  to  —  veil, 
That  he  vos  a-volloped  by  Jefferson  D., 
Hand  no  longer  some  punkins  vos  likely  to  be." 

"  That  thing,"  he  said,  "  expresses  my  sentiments 
exactly  ;  and  if  it  isn't  poetry,  be  kind  enough  to  tell  me 
what  it  is." 

"  It  is  doggerel,  sir ;  but  there  is  poetry  in  the  latter 


78  PERSONAL  EECOLLECTIONS. 

part,  which  was  written  by  Leland.  When  I  took  it  to  him 
he  said  it  wasn't  finished,  —  that  I  should  have  killed  the 
Times.  Then  I  told  him  to  do  that  himself,  and  in  five 
minutes  he  wrote  the  last  half-dozen  stanzas.  But  allow 
me  to  say,  Mr.  Lincoln,  you  have  a  remarkable  verbal 
memory." 

"  Well,"  he  answered,  "  I  can  remember  any  jingle  that 
strikes  me ;  and  that  chimed  in  with  my  feelings,  for  I  felt 
mightily  like  twisting  the  lion's  tail.  But  now  I  want  to 
ask  you  a  few  questions." 

As  he  said  this,  he  took  from  the  drawer  of  his  table  a 
copy  of  "  Among  the  Pines,"  every  few  leaves  of  which  had 
a  page  turned  down.  Then  looking  at  me  searchingly,  he 
asked,  "  How  much  of  this  book  is  true  ?  " 

I  answered  that  in  a  certain  sense  all  of  it  was  true ;  that 
the  book  was  made  of  detached  experiences,  put  together 
to  form  a  symmetrical  whole.  Every  incident  in  it  occurred 
as  I  related  it,  and  under  my  own  observation ;  but  not  in 
the  sequence  or  localities  represented. 

"This  old  darky's  sermon,  did  you  hear  that?"  he 
asked. 

I  answered  that  I  did,  twenty  years  before ;  but  I  had 
repeated  merely  the  substance  of  it,  —  the  actual  sermon 
was  far  better  than  I  had  reported  it." 

"  Then,"  he  said,  "  your  memory  is  as  good  as  mine.  I 
can  remember  words  that  I  heard  but  once,  twenty  and 
thirty  years  ago." 

I  said  that  his  verbal  memory  was  doubtless  better  than 
mine.  If  I  should  attempt  to  report  the  present  interview 
at  a  future  time,  however  distant,  I  could  do  it  truthfully, 
so  that  he  would  .pronounce  it  accurate,  and  yet  he  might 
have  to  correct  some  of  my  words  and  phrases.  But  per- 
sons, occurrences,  and  even  abstract  ideas,  I  never  forgot* 


THE  EMANCIPATION  PROCLAMATION.  79 

My  memory  as  to  these  things  had  been  helped  by  an  early 
habit  of  thinking  in  subjects,  —  placing  a  new  fact  with 
others  of  the  same  kind  already  in  my  brain,  and  pigeon- 
holing them,  as  it  were,  so  that  I  could  recall  events  in 
their  order,  and  as  they  actually  happened. 

"  Then,  in  describing,  you  simply  recall  the  scene,  and 
describe  it  as  it  lies  in  your  memory.  But  I  want  to  ask 
you  a  few  more  questions." 

Then  opening  the  book  again,  he  went,  in  order,  through 
the  turned-down  pages,  asking  me  question  after  question  in 
rapid  succession,  and  saying  at  the  close,  "  You  say  that 

Colonel  J is  an  actual  character !  What  was  his  social 

position,  —  how  was  he  thought  of  in  the  community  ?  " 

I  answered, "  He  stood  very  high,  —  exceptionally  so.  He 
was  what  is  styled  '  very  popular.'  " 

"  And  yet  this  man,  so  passionate,  so  lost  to  self-control, 
so  reckless  of  human  life,  had  absolute  power  over  two 
hundred  of  his  fellow  beings ! "  exclaimed  Mr.  Lincoln,  with 
a  tone  of  intense  earnestness. 

"  The  man  was  the  product  of  the  institution,  Mr.  Pres- 
ident," said  Governor  Walker.  "  I  have  known  many  like 
him,  only  not  so  manly  and  kind-hearted  ;  and  I  could  tell 
you  of  at  least  half  a  dozen  who  live  openly,  as  he  did,  with 
two  wives,  one  their  slave,  and  both  mothers  to  their  chil- 
dren. Mr.  Gilmore  has  not  overdrawn  a  single  picture  in 
the  book." 

I  said  then  that  I  could  tell  things  far  worse  than  any 
told  there,  but  I  had  avoided  anything  too  bad  to  be  be- 
lieved. Besides,  long  association  had  given  me  a  kindly 
feeling  for  the  Southern  people.  I  had  seen  that  the  fault 
lay  not  so  much  with  them,  as  with  the  system  which  had 
blunted  their  humane  feelings  in  their  relations  with  the 
negro.  They  had  come  to  regard  him  as  a  mere  animal, 


80  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTION 8. 

to  be  fed  and  driven.  "  We  have,"  I  said,  "  rogues  and 
human  brutes  in  the  North,  but  they  are  restrained  by 
public  sentiment;  at  the  South  there  has  been  no  public 
sentiment  to  restrain  the  white  man  from  dealing  as  he 
pleases  with  the  black  man  or  woman." 
,  "  It  is  horrible  —  horrible,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln.  "  One 
can  realize  its  enormity  when  such  things  are  told  by  an 
eye-witness,  and  you  tell  them  in  a  way  to  command  belief. 
Governor,  is  it  not  about  time  that  action  was  taken  on 
this  subject  ?  " 

"  It  is  high  time,"  answered  Mr.  Walker.  "  I  fear  we 
shall  have  no  success  until  you  issue  that  proclamation." 

"  Mr.  Gilmore,  tell  me,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  "  who  wrote 
that  article,  '  What  shall  be  the  end  ? '  in  your  magazine,  a 
little  time  back  ?  " 

I  answered,  "  Judge  John  W.  Edmonds." 

"  I  felt  sure  it  was  written  by  some  lawyer  or  jurist. 
It  is  the  ablest  statement  of  the  subject  that  I've  seen.  He 
says  that  the  men  who  are  in  armed  rebellion  against  the 
Constitution  and  the  Union  must  make  up  their  minds  to 
take  what  the  fortune  of  war  gives  them.  That  this  re- 
bellion should  be  handled  without  gloves.  The  North 
should  permit  nothing  to  stand  in  the  way  of  a  complete 
and  permanent  triumph ;  and  he  recognizes  the  absolute 
necessity  of  the  total  extinction  of  slavery.  How  was  that 
article  received  by  your  exchanges  ?  " 

I  replied  that  it  was  very  generally  approved,  and  had 
been  copied  entire  by  many  of  the  leading  journals.  I 
thought  it  expressed  the  almost  universal  opinion  of  loyal 
people,  —  that  the  real  issue  was  between  slavery  and 
freedom,  and  that  the  Union  could  be  saved  only  by  the 
destruction  of  slavery. 

"  I  think,"  he  answered,  "  that  you  put  it  a  little  too 


THE  EMANCIPATION  PROCLAMATION.  81 

strong.  I  should  be  satisfied  with  a  majority.  But  the 
Governor  tells  me  that  he  is  going  into  the  magazine  with 
you.  Do  you  reflect  that  he  is  a  man  of  imperious  temper, 
and  bound  to  rule  things  ?  What  is  it,  Governor,  that 
Pope  said  of  Addison  ?  " 

"  That  he,  like  the  Turk,  would  brook  no  rival  near  the 
throne,"  answered  Mr.  Walker,  smiling. 

"  No,  sir,"  responded  Mr.  Lincoln,  "  I  assert  it  was 
*  Bear,  like  the  Turk,  no  brother  near  the  throne,'  and  I 
haven't  read  the  line  in  twenty  years.  So  you  see  the  sort 
of  editor  you  will  get." 

"  I  am  not  influenced  by  his  erudition,"  I  said.  "  I  take 
him  because  he  is  anxious  to  share  with  me  a  loss  of  three 
or  four  hundred  dollars  a  month." 

"  Well,  he  can  do  that  as  well  as  any  one  ;  and  I  suspect 
he  wouldn't  feel  it,  should  it  be  ten  times  as  much.  But 
speaking  of  editors,  —  I  infer  from  the  recent  tone  of  the 
Tribune  that  you  are  not  always  able  to  keep  Brother 
Greeley  in  the  traces." 

I  told  him  that  I  had  never  tried  to  do  that,  —  that  I  had 
merely  read  to  Mr.  Greeley,  from  time  to  time,  such  memo- 
randa as  Mr.  Walker  had  sent  me  for  that  purpose.  I  an- 
swered questions  when  he  asked  them,  but  never  volunteered 
an  opinion.  I  saw  from  the  very  first  that  any  direct  at- 
tempt to  influence  him  would  have  no  effect.  With  Sidney 
Howard  Gay,  however,  my  course  had  been  different.  He 
had  been  for  five  years  associated  with  Mr.  Greeley,  and 
had  more  influence  with  him  than  any  other  person.  He 
was  my  intimate  friend,  and  to  him,  since  April,  1862, 
when  he  was  made  managing  editor  to  succeed  Mr.  Dana, 
I  had  taken  the  liberty  to  show  Mr.  Walker's  despatches, 
and  I  thought  he  had  softened  Mr.  Greeley's  wrath  on 
several  occasions. 


82  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

"  What  is  he  wrathy  about  ?  "  asked  Mr.  Lincoln. 

"  The  slow  progress  of  the  war,  —  what  he  regards  as  the 
useless  destruction  of  life  and  property,  and  especially  your 
neglect  to  make  a  direct  attack  upon  slavery.  On  this  last 
point  I  am  told  by  Mr.  Gay  that  he  is  now  meditating  an 
appeal  to  the  country,  which  will  force  you  to  take  a  decided 
position.  This  Mr.  Gay  told  me  just  as  I  left  New  York ; 
I  have  not  seen  Mr.  Greeley  within  a  fortnight." 

"  Why  does  he  not -come  here  and  have  a  talk  with  me  ?  " 
said  Mr.  Lincoln.  "  Did  you  not  show  him  my  letter  to 
the  Governor  ?  " 

I  replied  that  I  had  left  it  in  his  hands,  stipulating,  how- 
ever, for  its  return  if  he  should  desire  it ;  and  that  Mr.  Gay 
had  very  recently  suggested  such  an  interview,  but  Greeley 
had  objected  to  allowing  the  President  to  act  as  advisory 
editor  of  the  Tribune. 

"  I  have  no  such  desire,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln.  "  I  certainly 
have  enough  now  on  my  hands  to  satisfy  any  man's  ambi- 
tion. Does  not  that  remark  show  an  unfriendly  spirit  in 
Mr.  Greeley  ?  " 

I  said  that  I  thought  not ;  that  it  was  simply  impatience 
with  the  slow  movement  of  things.  I  had  heard  him  ex- 
press the  strongest  personal  regard  for  the  President ;  but 
he  could  not  understand  why,  with  our  immense  army  and 
enormous  expenditure,  so  little  had  been  accomplished. 
He  thought  that  our  magnificent  force  of  more  than  200,- 
000  men  should  have  captured  Richmond  within  a  month. 
He  had  not  understood  the  situation. 

At  this  point  Governor  Walker  remarked  that  he  had 
explained  to  me  the  annoyance  that  McClellan  had  caused 
by  his  tardiness  and  disobedience  of  orders ;  and  also  that 
a  Proclamation  of  Emancipation  had  been  drawn  and  was 
only  waiting  a  favorable  moment  for  its  publication,  and 


THE  EMANCIPATION  PROCLAMATION.  S3 

he  asked,  "  Shall  he  not  be  allowed  to  tell  all  this  to  Mr. 
Greeley?" 

"  I  have  only  been  afraid  of  Greeley's  passion  for  news. 
Do  you  think  he  will  let  no  intimation  of  it  get  into  his 
paper  ?  "  said  the  President. 

I  answered  that  he  would  not  if  he  gave  his  word  to  that 
effect ;  but  I  suggested  that  he  should  permit  me  to  tell  the 
same  thing  to  Mr.  Gay,  who  attended  to  the  making  up  of 
the  Tribune,  and  was  not  so  absent-minded  as  Mr.  Greeley. 

To  this  Mr.  Lincoln  assented,  and  then  I  remarked  that 
I  would  leave  for  home  that  night,  to  be  in  advance  of 
Greeley's  threatened  "  Appeal  to  the  American  people." 
Soon  afterwards  I  bade  Mr.  Lincoln  good-by,  and  late  that 
night  I  took  my  departure  from  Washington. 

Arriving  in  New  York  on  the  following  morning,  I 
looked  into  the  Tribune,  and  the  first  thing  that  met  my 
eye  was  Horace  Greeley's  "Prayer  of  Twenty  Millions." 
It  was  addressed  personally  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  did  not 
ask,  as  I  had  expected  it  would,  for  the  issue  of  a  procla- 
mation freeing  the  slaves,  but  merely  for  the  rigid  enforce- 
ment of  the  "  Confiscation  Act,"  already  passed  by  Congress. 
In  it  Mr.  Greeley  said  :  "  What  an  immense  majority  of  the 
loyal  millions  of  your  countrymen  require  of  you  is  a  frank, 
declared,  unqualified,  ungrudging  execution  of  the  laws  of 
the  land,  more  especially  of  the  Confiscation  Act.  That  act 
gives  freedom  to  the  slaves  of  rebels  coming  within  our 
lines,  or  whom  those  lines  may  at  any  time  enclose.  We 
ask  you  to  render  it  due  obedience  by  publicly  requiring  all 
your  subordinates  to  recognize  and  obey  it." 

That  same  day  I  communicated  to  Mr.  Greeley  the  fact 
that  an  Emancipation  Proclamation  had  already  been  drawn 
and  approved  of  by  Mr.  Lincoln's  Cabinet,  and  he  was  only 
waiting  a  favorable  time  to  publish  it  to  the  country.  He 


84  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

expressed  great  gratification  with  the  news,  but  regret  that 
he  had  not  known  it  before,  remarking :  "  If  Mr.  Lincoln 
^were  not  so  very  cautious  and  reticent  we  should  get  along 
much  better  together;  but  I  could  forgive  him  all  and 
everything,  if  he  would  infuse  a  little  more  energy  into 
affairs ;  he  seems  to  forget  there  is  a  possibility  of  exhaust- 
ing the  patience  as  well  as  the  resources  of  the  country." 

Three  days  later  Mr.  Lincoln  replied  to  the  "  Prayer  of 
Twenty  Millions "  by  a  letter  addressed  personally  to  Mr. 
Oreeley,  and  containing  the  famous  sentence,  "My  para- 
mount object  is  to  save  the  Union,  and  not  either  to  save 
or  destroy  slavery."  This  letter  surprised  Mr.  Greeley,  but 
his  only  comment  on  it  —  in  my  hearing  —  was,  "It  is 
no  answer  to  my  '  Prayer.'  He  had  prepared  it  in  advance, 
and  took  the  occasion  to  get  his  views  before  the  public. 
But  I'll  forgive  him  everything  if  he'll  issue  the  procla- 
mation." 

The  fortune  of  war  continued  against  the  Union  armies. 
Pope  was  defeated  at  Bull  Run  late  in  August,  and  then 
things  looked  darker  than  ever.  Meanwhile  Mr.  Lincoln 
had  anxiously  watched  the  progress  of  events,  adding  or 
changing  a  word  or  a  line  in  his  proclamation,  till  on 
Sept.  17,  1862,  came  the  battle  of  Antietam,  —  which 
was  rather  a  drawn  battle  than  a  victory.  "  Then,"  as  he 
said  in  a  conversation  with  Frank  B.  Carpenter,  the  artist, 
"  I  determined  to  wait  no  longer.  The  news  came,  I  think, 
on  Wednesday,  that  the  advantage  was  on  our  side.  I  was 
then  staying  at  the  Soldiers'  Home  (three  miles  out  of 
Washington).  Here  I  finished  writing  the  second  draft 
of  the  preliminary  proclamation ;  came  up  on  Saturday, 
called  the  Cabinet  together  to  hear  it,  and  it  was  published 
on  the  ensuing  Monday." 

Thus  the  idea  that  slavery  must  be  destroyed  to  bring 


THE  EMANCIPATION  PEOCLAMATION.  85 

about  a  permanent  restoration  of  the  Union  had  at  last 
triumphed;  and  it  was  with  supreme  gratification  that  I 
heard  the  chorus  of  rejoicing  which  arose  from  our  numer- 
ous "  exchanges  "  throughout  the  country.  I  regarded  this*, 
and  it  doubtless  was,  an  expression  of  the  feeling  of  a  ma- 
jority of  the  Northern  people. 

None  more  sincerely  rejoiced  over  the  proclamation  than 
Horace  Greeley.  At  our  first  meeting  after  its  publication 
he  said:  "Do  you  remember  what  Victor  Hugo  says  of 
Waterloo,  —  that  it  was  not  a  battle,  but  a  change  of  front 
of  the  universe  ?  So  this  action  of  Mr.  Lincoln  is  a  change 
of  front  of  the  country.  Henceforth  and  forever  we  shall 
be  a  free  people."  At  the  same  interview  he  gave  me  an 
article  he  had  written  for  the  Continental,  which  closed 
with  the  following  prophetic  words :  "  Yet  a  little  while, 
and  the  authority  of  the  Nation  will  be  acknowledged  by  its 
now  revolted  citizens,  and  the  rebellion  will  subside  as  sud- 
denly as  it  broke  upon  us.  Yet  a  little  while,  and  ours 
will  be  again  a  land  of  peace,  returning  joyfully  to  the  pur- 
suits of  productive  industry,  and  radiant  with  the  sunlight 
of  Universal  Liberty." 


CHAPTER   VIII. 

MY   CONNECTION   WITH   THE   NEW   YORK   TRIBUNE. 

THE  purpose  for  which  I  had  established  the  Continental 
Monthly  was  accomplished  by  the  issue  of  President  Lin- 
coln's Emancipation  Proclamation.  The  North  had  at  first 
taken  up  arms  to  maintain  the  Union,  regardless  of  the 
extension  or  non  -  extension  of  slavery ;  but  gradually  a 
majority  of  the  people  had  come  to  the  conclusion  that  the 
life  of  the  nation  could  not  be  preserved  without  the  total 
extinction  of  the  "  peculiar  institution."  Of  this  I  had 
been  convinced  by  the  general  acclaim  with  which  the 
Northern  press  had  greeted  the  Emancipation  Proclama- 
tion ;  but  I  soon  had  stronger  evidence  of  it  from  personal 
contact  with  the  people  through  a  series  of  lectures  that  I 
delivered  before  literary  associations  in  all  the  larger  cities 
of  the  North.  This  revolution  in  public  sentiment  had  been 
mainly  brought  about  by  the  irresistible  "  logic  of  events," 
— the  slow  progress  of  the  war,  and  the  long  series  of  disas- 
ters that  had  attended  the  Union  armies ;  but  though  the 
people  had  thus  been  schooled  by  events,  they  had,  doubt- 
less, been  largely  influenced  by  the  bold  utterances  of 
Charles  G.  Leland  in  the  Continental  Monthly,  which  had 
been  scattered  broadcast  over  the  North.  Clear-sighted 
statesmen  had  from  the  beginning  seen  that  the  real  issue 
was  the  permanent  establishment,  or  the  entire  extinction, 
of  slavery ;  but  Leland  was  the  first  to  tell  this  truth  to 
the  people,  and  he  told  it  in  words  that  rang  through  the 

86 


CONNECTION   WITH  THE  TRIBUNE.  87 

North  like  the  notes  of  a  bugle.  With  his  whole  heart  and 
soul  he  had  entered  the  conflict.  His  friends  had  coun- 
selled him  to  moderate  his  tone ;  William  H.  Seward  had 
rewarded  his  zeal  with  the  elegant  anathema,  "  Damn 
Leland  and  the  Continental ;  "  and  even  Robert  J.  Walker 
had  said  to  me,  "Had  you  not  better  hold  him  in  a  little?" 
To  this  injunction  I  had  answered,  "  No,  no !  Let  him 
alone.  His  words  are  doing  their  work.  According  to 
Wendell  Phillips,  to  split  a  rock  you  need  a  charge  of 
gunpowder."  Thus  I  had  stood  by  Leland  when  no  one 
else  would  stand  by  him ;  and  that  is  the  sole  credit  I  take 
to  myself  for  the  important  work  that  was  done  by  the 
Continental  Monthly.  He  did  it  without  pay  or  any  hope 
of  reward,  and  for  it  he  deserves  to  be  honored  by  the 
whole  people,  North  and  South,  who  are  now  reaping  the 
fruits  of  the  policy  he  so  early  and  so  manfully  advocated. 

The  country  thus  aroused,  and  the  Government  fully 
committed  to  the  policy  of  Emancipation,  it  seemed  to  me 
that  the  magazine  had  done  its  work,  and  could  now  grace- 
fully withdraw  from  the  arena.  I  had  borne  the  brunt  of 
its  expenditures,  and  up  to  this  period  had  realized  but  a 
small  part  of  the  extraordinary  returns  which  I  subsequently 
received  from  my  books.  To  be  sure,  Mr.  Walker  was  to 
share  with  me  the  further  disbursements  of  the  magazine ; 
but  a  connection  with  it  involved  my  time,  which  then  was 
equivalent  to  money,  —  and  money  which,  in  the  tied-up 
condition  of  my  diminished  resources,  was  absolutely  needed 
for  my  personal  requirements. 

These  considerations  I  laid  before  Mr.  Walker,  proposing 
to  him  the  suspension  of  the  Continental.  To  this  he  strongly 
objected,  remarking  that  the  magazine  had  not  done  half 
its  work,  for  the  war  was  not  half  over ;  that  the  financial 
strain  upon  the  Government  was  already  great,  and  soon 


08  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

would  be  terrific,  —  the  public  debt  being  then  nearly  a 
thousand  millions,  and  inevitably  to  be  at  the  end  of  the 
year  two  thousand  millions ;  and  that  the  Continental  would 
be  needed  to  promulgate  and  defend  the  financial  policy  of 
the  administration.  And  he  added  that  he  was  about  to 
make  his  long-deferred  visit  to  Europe  as  the  financial 
agent  of  the  Treasury  Department,  to  raise  all  the  money 
possible  towards  meeting  the  emergency.  This  last  remark 
decided  me,  for  I  saw  that  his  absence  would  throw  upon 
me  even  a  greater  amount  of  work  than  I  had  anticipated ; 
and  though  he  remarked  that  my  financial  necessities  might 
be  easily  provided  for  by  some  appointment  under  the  Gov- 
ernment, I  kindly,  but  firmly,  said  :  "  If  any  provide  not 
for  his  own,  he  is  worse  than  an  infidel,  and  I  cannot  con- 
sent to  be  a  pensioner  upon  the  Government."  Our  separa- 
tion I  made  as  easy  as  possible  by  conveying  to  him  my 
entire  interest  in  the  Continental^  and  agreeing  to  finish, 
without  charge,  the  book,  "  My  Southern  Friends,"  which 
was  then  running  in  the  magazine. 

He  went  to  Europe  in  March,  1863,  and  did  not  return 
until  November,  1864,  meanwhile  conducting  the  magazine 
under  the  editorship  of  his  accomplished  sister,  Martha 
Walker  Cooke,  Mr.  Leland  having  decided  to  resign  on  my 
withdrawal  from  the  ownership.  Leland  was  the  ablest 
magazinist  I  have  ever  known,  —  not  excepting  even  James 
T.  Fields,  —  and  had  he  continued  to  manage  the  Continen- 
tal it  would  doubtless  be  alive  to-day,  and  among  the  most 
successful  of  similar  publications. 

While  in  England  Mr.  Walker  effected  a  sale  of  two 
hundred  and  fifty  millions  of  the  United  States  5-20 
bonds,  and,  what  was  quite  as  important,  he  defeated 
the  second  Confederate  loan  of  seventy-five  millions.  He 
was,  in  my  view,  the  ablest  financier  this  country  has 


CONNECTION  WITH  THE  TRIBUNE.  89 

produced  since  Alexander  Hamilton.  From  my  intimacy 
with  him  I  was  led  to  regard  him  as  the  real  soul  of  the 
Treasury  Department,  and  as  the  one  most  entitled  to  the 
credit  of  the  financial  policy  which  carried  the  country 
through  the  terrific  strain  of  the  Civil  War.  He  was  a 
great  man.  Among  those  whom  I  regard  as  "  my  masters," 
I  have  held  but  one  other  in  higher  honor.  By  Robert  J. 
Walker  I  was  taught  to  take  broad  views  of  things ;  to  look 
on  all  sides  of  a  subject;  to  seek  in  every  detail  for  gen- 
eral principles ;  and  to  ever  remember  that  "  the  things 
seen  are  temporal,  and  the  things  unseen,  eternal ; "  and 
thus  to  square  my  life,  as  far  as  mortal  man  may,  by  laws 
of  righteousness  that  are  unchanging,  —  immutably  fixed 
in  the  nature  of  things.  I  was  not  again  in  close  relations 
with  him,  but  our  friendship  lasted  until  his  death  in 
1869. 

I  had  consulted  with  Sidney  Howard  Gay  in  regard  to 
withdrawing  from  the  Continental,  and  not  long  after 
the  foregoing  interview  with  Mr.  Walker  I  was  seated  in 
his  room  in  the  Tribune  building  one  afternoon,  when  Mr. 
Greeley  entered  it  to  pass  through  to  his  "  sanctum."  Per- 
ceiving me,  he  paused,  and  accosted  me,  to  the  best  of  my 
recollection,  somewhat  as  follows :  "  Well,  Sub  Rosa, J  I 
am  glad  to  hear  that  you've  come  to  your  senses  at  last." 

"  Then  you  think  that  up  to  this  time  I  have  been  some- 
what crazy  ?  "  I  said,  smiling  broadly. 

"  I  do,"  he  answered ;  "  mad  as  a  March  hare  in  wasting 
time  and  money  to  get  the  Emancipation  Proclamation. 
What  good  has  it  done  us?" 

*  When  Mr.  Greeley  first  asked  me  who  wrote  the  sketches  called  "  Among  the 
Pines,"  I  told  him  the  writer's  name  was  Sub  Rosa.  Subsequently,  when  the 
book  had  been  issued,  and  the  Tribune  was  about  to  publish  a  low-priced  edition 
of  it,  Mr.  Gay  told  him  that  I  was  its  author ;  and  afterwards  Mr.  Greeley  usually 
addressed  me  by  the  above  title. 


90  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

At  this  point,  Mr.  Gay  rose  from  his  high-legged  stool, 
and  closed  the  door  into  the  larger  editorial  room.  Evi- 
dently he  would  not  have  the  remarks  of  his  chief  heard  by 
his  subordinates. 

I  answered,  "  It  has  checkmated  France  and  England, 
and  set  the  true  issue  squarely  before  the  country." 

"  Yes,  and  the  people  have  disapproved  of  the  proclama- 
tion,— every  State  election  has  gone  against  the  Govern- 
ment." 

"  I  think  that  merely  expresses  dissatisfaction  with  the 
results  of  the  war.  From  meeting  the  people  personally 
in  all  parts  of  the  country,  I  have  concluded  that  a  major- 
ity heartily  approve  of  the  proclamation.  I  think  you 
approved  of  it :  when  it  was  first  issued  you  told  me  it  was 
such  a  change  of  front  as  would  make  us  forever  a  free 
people." 

"  Well,  I  thought  so ;  and  I  hoped  it  would  turn  the 
tide  of  disaster,  but  what  have  we  had  ?  The  slaughter  of 
Fredericksburg,  and  Grant's  bloody  hammering  at  Vicks- 
burg  since  November." 

"  I  know,"  I  replied,  "  and  I  am  as  much  disappointed  as 
you  are.  I  think  we  both  forgot  that  proclamations  do 
not  create  generals." 

"  But  who,"  he  asked,  "  put  Burnside  in  command  when 
he  protested  his  incompetence  ?  " 

"  Lincoln,  of  course ;  but  you  will  not  condemn  him  for 
one  mistake.  The  old  backwoodsman  said  to  Henry  Clay, 
*  Pick  your  flint  and  try  again.'  " 

He  remarked  that  it  had  not  been  one  mistake,  but  one 
unbroken  series  of  blunders.  The  only  good  thing  Lincoln 
had  done  was  to  issue  the  Emancipation  Proclamation, 
which  had  to  be  forced  from  him ;  and  that  had  come  too 
late  to  save  the  country.  The  people  held  him,  he  said,  re- 


CONNECTION  WITH  THE  TRIBUNE.  91 

•sponsible  for  the  administration,  and  he  intended  to  repu- 
diate the  whole  concern. 

"  If  you  do  that,"  I  answered,  "  you  will  do  the  country 
more  damage  than  twenty  Fredericksburgs.  You  do  not 
realize  your  power  with  the  people.  They  know  you  are 
clear-sighted  and  disinterested.  They  trust  you  and  look 
to  you  for  guidance.  If  you  open  your  batteries  upon  Lin- 
coln, the  country  will  lose  confidence  in  him,  and  the  Union 
will  go  to  pieces." 

Up  to  this  time  he  had  been  leaning  against  the  door  of 
his  "  sanctum."  Now  he  shambled  up  and  down  the  room, 
a  look  of  impotent  distress  upon  his  face  as  he  exclaimed, 
"  And  they  hold  me  responsible,  and  I  —  I  can't  justify 
myself  without  doing  damage  to  the  country." 

"They  do  not  hold  you  responsible.  They  know  you 
had  to  take  Lincoln,  and  they  are  beginning  to  like  and 
trust  him  as  they  do  you.  If  you  two  act  together  you  will 
save  the  Union ;  if  you  don't,  the  rebel  leaders  will  ac- 
complish their  ends." 

"  But  how  can  I  act  with  him  if  he  won't  act  at  all,  or 
is  always  a  day  too  late  ?  He  is  under  the  control  of 
Seward,  and  Seward  would  thwart  my  views  merely  because 
they  were  mine." 

"  I  don't  know  it  as  a  fact,  but  I  believe  that  Seward  has 
lost  all  influence  with  Lincoln.  He  keeps  him  merely  be- 
cause of  his  idea  that  he  strengthens  his  administration  at 
the  North.  You  remember  what  he  said  in  that  letter  to 
Mr.  Walker,  —  that  if  you  would  come  to  him,  and  state 
your  views  frankly  and  fully,  he  would  adopt  them  if  he 
could.  I  think  he  would  overturn  his  entire  Cabinet  rather 
than  lose  your  support  and  friendship." 

"Then  suppose  you  go  to  him,  and  tell  him  that  I  think 
if  Walker  were  in  Seward's  place,  and  Rosecrans  in  Stan- 


92  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

ton's,  there  would  be  some  chance  of  saving  the  country. 
Stanton  is  energetic  enough,  but  he  is  a  mere  lawyer,  and 
lacks  military  knowledge." 

"  It  would  be  more  effective  if  that  came  from  you  per- 
sonally. If  I  were  to  tell  him  that  you  distrust  him,  it 
would  only  add  to  his  burdens,  and  he  is  now  loaded  down 
to  the  water's  edge." 

"  If  I  were  to  go,"  he  rejoined,  "  he  would  simply  twist 
me  around  his  finger ;  he  always  does.  So  we  must  peg 
along  as  we  are ;  but  it  is  hard  to  fight  in  a  hopeless  cause. 
Don't  things  look  to  you  altogether  hopeless  ?  " 

"  Not  by  any  means.  Let  me  give  you  an  idea  from  the 
prophet  Isaiah.  He  says  there  is  a  God  who  rules  this 
planet.  He  seems  to  have  formed  this  country  without 
natural  divisions  that  it  might  be  possessed  by  one  great, 
united  people.  He  meant  they  should  be  free,  and  a  light 
to  all  other  nations,  to  thereby  lift  the  whole  of  humanity 
to  a  higher  and  better  civilization.  But  the  Deity  has  to 
work  by  human  means,  and  man  is  a  greedy  animal, — 
greedy  for  gold ;  and  to  get  more  of  it  than  they  could  by 
their  own  labor,  the  Virginia  planters  enslaved  the  negro> 
and  set  him  to  raising  tobacco.  The  evil  thing  grew,  and 
the  Almighty  permitted  it,  —  probably  with  an  eye  to  the 
future  of  Africa, — until  the  Slave  Power  threatened  to 
dominate  the  whole  country,  and  thus  subvert  the  very 
purpose  of  its  creation.  Then  the  great  Overruler  said,  — 
I  am  not  now  giving  you  Isaiah,  but  Robert  J.  Walker,  — 
1  Thus  far  have  I  allowed  you  to  go,  but  go  no  farther.  I'll 
not  let  my  plans  be  thwarted  by  a  handful  of  slave-drivers/ 

"  He  said  this,  and  as  he  never  does  anything  by  halves, 
he  resolved  to  pull  up  the  evil  thing  by  the  roots.  To  do 
so  he  had  to  array  the  North  against  the  South,  and  thus 
bring  waste  and  death  into  nearly  every  household.  I  mar- 


WITH  THE  NEW   YORK  TRIBUNE.  93 

Telled  that  a  benevolent  Deity  could  do  this,  until  I  reflected 
that  in  his  view  real  wealth  is  of  the  spiritual  sort,  and 
human  life  is  not  bounded  by  a  narrow  horizon  of  seventy 
years,  but  has  a  limitless  duration.  The  North  has  been 
slow  to  see  his  purpose,  and  at  no  time  before  the  procla- 
mation would  it  have  refused  a  peace  that  provided  for  the 
perpetuation  of  slavery,  —  in  his  letter  to  you,  Lincoln  said 
that  distinctly,  —  and  even  now  nearly  one-half  of  the  people 
would  accept  any  terms  with  the  Rebellion.  So,  the  war 
must  go  on,  and  disaster  follow  disaster,  until  the  whole 
North  is  fully  resolved  to  exterminate  the  accursed  thing." 

"  How  long  can  we  stand  this  immense  waste  of  life  and 
property  ? "  asked  Mr.  Greeley,  who  had  listened  to  me 
with  apparent  interest. 

"  I  don't  know ;  but  the  South  will  be  the  first  to  become 
exhausted,  —  the  waste  of  property  is  heavier  on  them  than 
on  us,  and  their  loss  of  life  is  as  great  as  ours,  as  is  shown 
by  the  reports  of  every  one  of  the  battles.  With  peace  the 
waste  of  property  will  soon  be  restored,  and  the  loss  of  life 
you  can't  consider  of  much  account,  for  you  don't  believe 
in  hell-fire,  and  count  that  a  man  will  be  better  off  for  get- 
ting into  a  cozy  corner  of  the  invisible  country." 

Mr.  Greeley  laughed  one  of  those  quiet  laughs  of  his  that 
used  to  ripple  over  his  huge  frame,  giving  an  expression  of 
genuine  enjoyment.  "  Well,  Sub  Rosa,"  he  said, "  a  Metho- 
dist parson  was  lost  in  you.  Now  that  you've  abandoned 
the  Continental  you  had  better  preach  theology  through  the 
Tribune" 

"What!"  I  exclaimed,  "allow  you  to  run  your  blue 
pencil  through  my  best  thoughts !  No,  thank  you,  Mr. 
Greeley.  I  should  esteem  it  an  honor  to  be  associated 
with  you,  for  I  consider  you  the  greatest  of  journalists,  liv- 
ing or  dead,  but  your  views  don't  accord  with  mine." 


94  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

"  But,"  he  said,  "  I  have  resigned  the  blue  pencil.  You 
would  not  report  to  me,  but  to  Gay ;  and  he  is  of  your  way 
of  thinking." 

"  That  is  another  part  of  speech,"  I  remarked,  turning 
to  Mr.  Gay.  "  Is  he  not  jesting  ?  " 

"  He  is  not  jesting,"  he  replied.  "  He  has  agreed  that  I 
shall  direct  the  policy  of  the  paper.  You  and  I  would  not 
disagree;  we  shall  urge  an  energetic  prosecution  of  the 
war." 

This  was  true.  From  the  resignation  of  Charles  A.  Dana-, 
early  in  1862,  until  the  close  of  the  war,  Mr.  Gay  con. 
trolled  the  course  of  the  Tribune,  and  in  all  that  time  ht 
did  what  no  other  man  —  except  Mr.  Dana  —  ever  did  or 
could  do,  —  he  held  Mr.  Greeley's  great  powers  to  the  steadj 
support  of  the  Union. 

Some  details  were  then  talked  over,  and  it  was  agree( 
that  I  should  become  connected  with  the  Tribune  in  a  quasi 
editorial  capacity,  not  attached  to  the  office,  but  going  and 
coming  at  my  pleasure,  and  doing  my  work  wherever  I 
chanced  to  be.  I  was  to  furnish  a  certain  number  of  edi- 
torials weekly  on  such  subjects  as  seemed  to  me  timely, 
with  full  liberty  to  express  my  personal  opinions,  Mr.  Gay 
reserving  the  right  to  toss  my  views  into  his  waste-basket 
when  they  did  not  accord  with  those  of  the  Tribune.  The 
connection  would  give  me  free  and  frequent  access  to  our 
armies  at  the  front,  and  keep  me  in  close  touch  with  current 
events,  and  these  were  my  main  motives  in  accepting  the 
position. 


CHAPTER   IX. 

THE  DISSATISFACTION   WITH   PRESIDENT   LINCOLN. 

MY  first  visit  to  the  front,  after  my  connection  with 
the  New  York  Tribune,  was  to  the  Army  of  the  Potomac, 
then  under  command  of  General  Hooker,  and  on  my  way 
I  had  a  brief  interview  with  the  President.  Robert  J. 
Walker  had  sailed  for  Europe,  but  Mr.  Lincoln  received 
me  cordially,  and  expressed  decided  gratification  when  I 
told  him  of  my  loose-jointed  connection  with  the  Tribune. 
In  answer  to  his  question,  "How  does  Horace  feel  now?'* 
I  merely  said  that  he  was  somewhat  downhearted ;  but  I 
thought  his  spirits  would  revive  with  the  first  substantial 
victory.  He  answered,  "  We  can  reasonably  look  for  one 
soon,  now  that  we  have  '  fighting  Joe  Hooker '  in  command 
in  Virginia.  What  troubles  me  most  are  our  slow  opera- 
tions against  Vicksburg."  He  spoke  freely  of  Hooker, 
expressing  the  same  view  of  him  that  is  contained  in  the 
letter  which  he  wrote  to  that  officer  on  giving  him  his 
appointment.  "  He  brags  a  little,"  he  remarked  to  me, 
"but  he  has  shown  himself  a  good  fighter." 

At  Hooker's  headquarters  I  was  introduced  to  him  by 
the  Tribune  correspondent,  and  when  told  that  I  was 
one  of  the  Tribune  staff,  he  received  me  with  decided 
cordiality.  Very  soon  he  launched  into  a  glorification  of 
his  army,  —  "  the  finest  on  this  continent, "  —  and  boasted 
of  what  he  should  do  with  it,  — "  have  it  in  Richmond 


96  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

within  three  weeks,  with  a  death-blow  struck  at  the  Rebel- 
lion." I  met  him  several  times,  and  on  each  occasion  he 
talked  in  the  same  strain  of  overweening  self-confidence. 
He  seemed  to  forget  that  one  of  the  most  consummate 
generals  of  this  age  lay  between  him  and  the  realization 
of  his  ambition. 

James  Redpath  once  told  me  that  he  never  could  write 
well  unless  he  was  <<in  a  red-hot  fury."  I  was  strongly 
disgusted  with  Hooker's  bombast,  and  deeply  grieved  at 
the  blindness  of  Mr.  Lincoln  in  placing  such  momentous 
interests  in  the  hands  of  an  inflated  braggart;  and  my 
mingled  indignation  and  regret  I  put  into  an  article  which 
I  sent  off  to  Mr.  Gay  on  my  return  to  Washington.  It 
made  no  direct  reference  to  Hooker,  nor  any  censure  of 
Mr.  Lincoln,  but  the  paper  probably  was  as  severe  on  the 
conduct  of  the  war  as  any  that  might  have  been  written 
by  Mr.  Greeley.  I  looked  for  it  in  the  Tribune  on  my 
arrival  in  New  York  on  the  following  day,  and,  not  finding 
it  there,  I  went  down  to  the  office,  as  soon  as  I  thought  Mr. 
Gay  would  be  at  his  post,  to  urge  its  publication.  "  I  held 
it  back  to  show  it  to  Horace,"  he  said  to  me,  "  for  I  didn't 
expect  quite  so  much  red  pepper  from  you.  He  is  mightily 
pleased  with  it,  —  says  that  he  knew  you  would  come  to 
your  senses." 

The  article  had  gone  into  type,  and  I  was  reading  the 
proof,  when  Mr.  Greeley,  apparently  much  absorbed, 
entered  the  room  and  passed  into  his  private  office.  He 
gave  me  merely  a  casual  recognition,  but  soon  reappeared 
in  his  doorway,  saying  he  would  like  to  talk  with  me  for  a 
few  moments.  I  kept  no  notes  of  the  conversation  that 
followed,  and  cannot  at  this  distance  of  time  repeat  his 
language,  but  the  substance  of  what  he  said  is  very  dis- 
tinctly impressed  on  my  memory. 


DISSATISFACTION   WITH  LINCOLN.  97 

He  began  by  remarking  that  he  inferred  from  the 
editorial  I  had  sent  on  from  Washington  that  I  was  now 
convinced  the  Union  could  not  be  saved  by  the  present 
administration. 

I  answered  that  I  had  begun  to  have  decided  fears  on 
that  subject ;  and  then  he  went  on  to  say  that  Lincoln  — 
who  seemed  to  be  his  own  war  minister  —  had  shown  a 
remarkable  talent  at  putting  the  wrong  men  in  the  right 
places;  that  he  had  pitted  such  soldiers  as  McClellan, 
Burnside,  and  Hooker  against  the  ablest  general  of  the 
Confederacy;  and  given  them  magnificent  armies  only  to 
be  slaughtered,  while  he  had  sent  Grant  and  Sherman,  with 
but  33,000  men,  to  take  Vicksburg,  in  the  face  of  Pember- 
ton  and  Johnston  with  60,000 ;  and  left  Rosecrans,  our 
ablest  general,  and  the  only  one  who  had  shown  himself  a 
match  for  Lee,  in  the  heart  of  Tennessee,  unable  to  move 
for  the  want  of  a  few  thousand  cavalry  horses.  With  such 
management  how  could  we  expect  anything  but  disaster  ? 

I  admitted  that  the  conduct  of  the  war  had  been  bad ; 
but  was  it  right  to  put  the  whole  responsibility  upon  Mr. 
Lincoln?  He  was  not  a  military  man,  and  of  necessity 
had  to  depend  upon  his  military  advisers.  I  knew  that  he 
had  felt  every  defeat  as  a  personal  calamity.  With  the 
right  men  about  him  I  felt  sure  all  would  yet  go  well.  I 
said  that  I  knew  nothing  of  Rosecrans,  except  that  he  had 
outgeneralled  Lee  in  West  Virginia,  and  won  three  impor- 
tant battles  solely  by  his  personal  bravery.  But  if  he 
(Greeley)  felt  sure  that  Rosecrans  was  the  man  to  manage 
the  war,  I  was  confident  Mr.  Lincoln  would  give  him  the 
War  Department,  and  also  call  Walker  back  from  Europe 
to  take  the  place  of  Seward.  To  accomplish  this  he  had 
only  to  see  Mr.  Lincoln  personally  and  set  the  necessities 
of  the  situation  squarely  before  him. 


98  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

Mr.  Greeley  shook  his  head,  saying,  "  Suppose  I  did  see 
him,  and  he  did  consent  to  such  changes  as  I  think  vital, 
what  guaranty  should  I  have  that  he  would  not  change  his 
mind,  find  some  pretext  for  evading  his  word,  the  moment 
my  back  was  turned  ?  How  can  I  trust  him  after  the  way 
he  has  kept  his  agreement  to  give  me  early  information  ? 
He  has  allowed  Walker  and  you  to  tell  me  only  what 
everybody  knew.  All  important  facts  he  has  kept  from 
me  till  they  came  out  officially.  Witness  the  Emancipation 
Proclamation,  which  you  yourself  had  to  entreat  him  to 
make  known  to  me  after  it  was  wholly  written,  and  approved 
of  by  all  his  Cabinet.  Then,  right  on  the  heels  of  that,  he 
added  insult  to  injury  by  answering  my  '  Prayer  of  Twenty 
Millions,'  which  asked  only  for  the  honest  enforcement  of 
an  existing  law,  as  if  it  had  been  a  demand  for  the  abolition 
of  slavery ;  thus  adroitly  using  me  to  feel  the  public  pulse, 
and  making  me  appear  as  an  officious  meddler  in  affairs 
that  properly  belong  to  the  Government.  No,  Sub  Rosa,  I 
can't  trust  your  '  honest  old  Abe.'  He  is  too  smart  for 

me.  He  thinks  me  a  d d  fool ;  but  I  am  never  fooled 

twice  by  the  same  individual." 

The  above  report  repeats,  I  think,  very  nearly  Mr. 
Greeley's  exact  language,  and  he  spoke  with  a  good  deal 
of  feeling.  I  answered  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  very  far 
from  considering  him  a  fool ;  that  I  had  heard  him  style 
him  (Greeley)  a  great  man,  and  a  great  power,  worth 
more  to  the  Union  than  an  army  of  a  hundred  thousand 
men.  However,  Mr.  Lincoln  was  a  born  diplomatist, — 
Walker  had  told  me  that  he  was  the  shrewdest  politician 
he  had  ever  known,  —  and  he,  doubtless,  did  write  his 
famous  letter  merely  to  test  public  sentiment  on  the 
question  of  emancipation ;  but  I  could  not  believe  that 
he  had  intended  to  in  any  way  belittle  or  wound  Mr. 


DISSATISFACTION   WITH  LINCOLN.  99 

Greeley.  As  to  his  failure  to  give  him  the  earliest  in- 
formation, I  thought  he  had  fully  meant  to  do  so ;  but 
Mr.  Greeley  should  remember  that  he  had  agreed  to  give 
him  the  "  intentions  "  of  the  Government  only  when  they 
were  "formed,"  and  that  I  believed  his  decision  to  issue 
the  proclamation  was  not  fully  formed,  except  as  a  means 
to  stave  off  England,  until  a  day  or  two  before  its  publica- 
tion. I  had  watched  the  growth  in  his  mind  of  the  eman- 
cipation idea,  from  April,  1861,  when  he  had  told  me  that 
he  would  be  found  willing  and  eager  to  free  the  slaves 
whenever  the  country  should  demand  it.  I  had  never  met 
him,  after  that  time,  when  he  did  not  ask  me  the  feeling  of 
the  people  on  that  subject.  His  hand  seemed  to  be  ever 
on  the  pulse  of  the  public,  and  he  anxious  to  note  the 
rising  popular  sentiment  in  favor  of  emancipation.  He 
was  afraid  of  going  too  fast,  and  so  had  probably  some- 
times gone  too  slow,  though  he  was  undoubtedly  right  in 
putting  his  foot  upon  the  Fremont  and  Hunter  proclama- 
tions. I  closed  what  I  had  to  say  with  "  But,  Mr.  Greeley, 
we  are  obliged  to  have  Lincoln  for  another  two  years, — 
can't  you  bring  your  mind  to  the  point  of  going  to  him, 
and  demanding  that  he  shall  put  competent  men  into  his 
Cabinet  ?" 

He  answered  that  he  could  not,  —  that  Lincoln  had 
given  no  heed  to  the  few  suggestions  he  had  already  made, 
and  he  had  shown  a  like  disregard  to  every  recommenda- 
tion of  the  prominent  men  of  his  party.  Lincoln  had 
imbibed  Henry  Wilson's  idea  that  God  was  managing  the 
war,  and  he  thought  himself  his  vicegerent,  to  be  infallibly 
led  in  the  right  direction.  Hence,  he  was  following  his 
own  impressions,  in  spite  of  the  almost  unanimous  protests 
of  the  Republican  leaders,  and  to  the  universal  dissatisfac- 
tion of  both  leaders  and  people,  as  was  shown  by  the  result 


100  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

of  the  recent  State  elections.  But,  as  I  had  said,  we  were 
saddled  with  Lincoln  for  two  more  years,  and  so,  individu- 
ally, he  should  be  disposed  to  let  the  rascally  slave-drivers 
go  in  peace ;  for  it  was  morally  certain  that,  during  that 
period,  the  country  would  be  so  ravaged  and  depopulated  as 
to  be  scarcely  worth  saving.  But  the  Republican  leaders, 
—  nearly  all  of  whom  he  had  conferred  with,  —  and  the 
Northern  people,  thought  differently;  their  back  was  up, 
and  they  would  fight  till  doomsday,  rather  than  consent 
to  disunion.  This  being  so,  there  was  no  alternative  but 
for  the  war  to  go  on  to  the  end,  and  to  abide  by  its  con- 
sequences. But  should  the  country  survive  Lincoln's  term 
of  office,  it  would,  were  he  reflected,  of  a  certainty  go  to 
destruction.  This  was  the  opinion  of  every  prominent 
Republican  he  had  conversed  with  on  the  subject,  and  they 
all  thought  the  only  hope  of  its  final  salvation  lay  in 
defeating  a  reelection  of  Lincoln ;  and  to  accomplish  that, 
some  suitable  candidate  should  be  at  once  decided  upon, 
and  during  the  succeeding  eighteen  months  be  written  up 
by  the  entire  loyal  press,  so  that  he  might  be  sure  to  carry 
the  country.  His  own  first  choice  would  be  Robert  J. 
Walker. 

With  this  last  remark  he  looked  at  me  inquiringly,  and 
I  promptly  replied,  "  He  would  not  be  a  candidate.  He 
shares  Henry  Wilson's  opinion  that  God's  hand  is  in  the 
war,  and  he  believes  that  Lincoln  is  his  selected  leader. 
Nothing  would  induce  Walker  to  act  against  Lincoln." 

He  answered  that  he  had  thought  so,  and  it  was  marvel- 
lous, —  Lincoln's  power  over  those  who  came  in  close  con- 
tact with  him.  Next  to  Walker,  he  and  those  he  had 
consulted  were  of  opinion  that  General  Rosecrans  would 
be  the  best  and  most  available  candidate.  He  had  been 
uniformly  successful  in  the  war,  and  seemed  to  be  the 


DISSATISFACTION   WITH  LINCOLN.  101 

"coming  man;"  and  though  some  might  object  to  him 
as  a  Roman  Catholic,  he  deemed  that  an  advantage,  inas- 
much as  it  would  command  the  solid  Irish  vote.  Rose- 
crans  was  every  way  an  able  man,  and  an  ardent  patriot, 
and  would  be  sure  to  prosecute  the  war  energetically  ;  the 
only  question  was,  "  Is  he  sound  on  the  goose  ?  "  that  is, 
would  he  refuse  to  listen  to  any  peace  that  did  not  provide 
for  the  total  extinction  of  slavery  ?  He  and  his  friends 
desired  au  answer  to  that  question,  and  if  I  would  go  to 
Rosecrans's  headquarters,  and  get  an  answer  to  the  ques- 
tion, and  also  take  Rosecrans's  measure  from  head  to  foot, 
he  would  equip  me  with  such  letters  as  would  carry  me 
through  a  stone  wall.  In  no  other  way,  he  said,  could  I 
so  effectually  serve  the  country. 

I  replied  that  I  did  not  relish  the  idea  of  thus  going 
deliberately  to  work  to  undermine  Mr.  Lincoln,  —  that 
I  had  a  strong  personal  liking  for  him,  and  should 
much  prefer  he  would  shoulder  the  task  upon  some 
one  else. 

His  answer  was  that  there  would  be  no  undermining  of 
Mr.  Lincoln,  —  no  harsh  criticisms  directed  against  him 
from  any  quarter.  The  aim  would  be  to  build  a  strong 
man  up,  not  to  pull  a  weak  man  down.  Left  to  himself, 
Lincoln  would  fall  of  his  own  weight.  And  this  was  not  a 
time  for  any  one  to  consult  his  personal  likes  or  dislikes. 
He  had  himself  a  liking  for  Lincoln  personally,  but  he 
would  sacrifice  his  best  friend,  cut  off  his  right  arm,  if 
it  would  serve  the  country  in  its  great  extremity.  He  had 
always  thought  that  I  would  do  the  same.  I  had  done  so, 
he  added,  in  regard  to  my  lifelong  friends  of  the  South. 

"  Well,"  I  said, "  I  am  not  the  man  for  this  kind  of  busi- 
ness, —  I  am  too  open,  too  frank.  Rosecrans  would  detect 
my  purpose  before  I  had  been  with  him  a  day." 


102  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

"  I  don't  believe  it,"  he  replied.  "  Your  frank,  free  ways 
would  compel  his  confidence,  and  he  would  open  himself 
to  you,  unreservedly.  You  are  just  the  man  for  the  busi- 
ness." 

I  answered  that  he  was  like  Lincoln,  —  there  was  no  re- 
sisting him.  I  would  go,  but  I  must  not  be  expected  to 
take  sides  against  Lincoln,  either  then,  or  after  my  return. 
I  was  firmly  of  the  opinion  that  he  had  done  all  that  he 
oould  do.  The  fault  lay  with  his  commanders.  He  had 
furnished  them  with  an  abundance  of  men  and  supplies, 
but,  though  fighting  two  against  one,  they  had  failed  from 
sheer  incapacity. 

All,  he  replied,  except  Rosecrans,  —  he  had  always  won, 
and  always  fought  with  inferior  forces.  He  and  his  friends 
asked  only  for  an  impartial  report,  and  my  kindly  impres- 
sions of  Lincoln  would  prevent  my  coloring  Rosecrans  too 
highly.  He  then  gave  me  the  names  of  his  principal 
associates  in  this  movement.  The  list  included  Thaddeus 
Stevens,  Senator  Wade,  Henry  Winter  Davis,  David  Dud- 
ley Field,  Governor  Andrew,  and,  as  I  remember,  about  all 
the  more  prominent  Republican  leaders,  except  Roscoe 
Conkling,  Charles  Sumner,  and  Henry  Wilson.  Even 
Chase  and  Seward  had  been  conferred  with;  and  while 
they  had  failed  to  commit  themselves,  —  owing  to  their  re- 
lations to  the  President,  —  Mr.  Greeley  was  satisfied  they 
silently  sympathized  with  the  movement. 

It  was  to  me  a  fearful  revelation.  What  chance  of  suc- 
cess had  Mr.  Lincoln,  thus  forsaken  by  his  friends,  and 
forced  to  fight,  with  incompetent  generals,  some  of  the 
ablest  soldiers  of  the  time?  From  sheer  pity  my  feeling 
grew  warmer  towards  him ;  and  I  went  away  with  a  heavy 
heart,  forgetting  that  "  one  with  God  is  a  majority." 

In  a  few  days  came  tidings  of  the  battle  of  Chancellors- 


DISSATISFACTION    WITH  LINCOLN.  103 

ville,  wherein  nearly  30,000  men  were  sacrificed  to  the 
incompetence  of  Hooker.  On  the  afternoon  succeeding 
the  last  day's  fight,  I  was  seated  in  Mr.  Gay's  private  room 
at  the  Tribune  office,  when  Mr.  Greeley  entered  it,  having 
in  his  hand  the  latest  telegram  from  the  front,  which  he 
had  taken  from  the  despatch-box  in  the  outer  editorial 
room.  His  face  was  pallid,  his  step  almost  tottering,  and 
his  lip  trembled  as  he  exclaimed,  "  My  God !  it  is  horrible 
—  horrible;  and  to  think  of  it,  130,000  magnificent  sol- 
diers so  cut  to  pieces  by  less  than  60,000  half -starved  rag- 
amuffins ! " 

No  response  being  made  to  this  remark,  he  sank  into  a 
chair  and  finished  the  reading  of  the  telegram.  Then,  his 
lip  still  trembling,  he  said  to  me,  "  I  have  your  letters  all 
ready,  —  can't  you  go  at  once  ?  I  will  give  you  my  word 
that  if  you  find  Rosecrans  the  man  that  is  needed,  I  will  go 
personally  to  Lincoln  and  force  him  to  resign.  Hamlin  will 
give  Rosecrans  command  of  the  armies,  and  there'll  be  a 
chance  of  saving  the  country." 

In  looking  over  the  letters  which  he  handed  me,  I  found 
they  were  from  more  than  a  dozen  of  the  Republican 
leaders,  some  of  whom  did  not  know  me  personally;  but 
by  all  of  them  I  was  commended  strongly  to  the  courtesy 
and  confidence  of  General  Rosecrans.  On  the  following 
night  I  set  out  for  his  headquarters  at  Murfreesborough, 
Tennessee. 


CHAPTER  X. 

TRAVEL    IN    WAR   TIME. 

IT  was  early  in  May,  1863,  and,  arriving  at  Cincinnati,  I 
discovered  that  I  could  proceed  no  farther  without  a  pass 
from  General  Burnside,  who  was  then  in  command  of  the 
Department  of  the  Ohio.  Calling  at  his  office  in  the 
Burnet  House  to  procure  the  requisite  permission,  I  was 
introduced  by  Burnside  to  Parson  Brownlow,  with  whom 
I  dined  and  passed  the  greater  part  of  the  afternoon,  listen- 
ing to  his  very  interesting  experiences,  and  his  graphic 
report  of  the  terrific  condition  of  things  in  the  States  of 
Kentucky  and  Tennessee.  I  told  him  that  I  had  set  out  to 
reach  the  headquarters  of  General  Rosecrans,  whereupon 
he  assured  me  that  to  attempt  going  to  the  front  just  then 
was  a  risky  undertaking.  The  railroad  below  Bowling 
Green  was  infested  with  guerillas,  who,  on  several  recent 
occasions,  had  assailed  the  trains,  and  robbed  and  mal- 
treated passengers.  The  cars  were  insufficiently  guarded, 
and  travelling  was  therefore  attended  with  considerable 
personal  hazard.  He  advised  me  to  "  make  haste  slowly," 
by  proceeding  no  farther  than  Louisville,  and  lying  over 
there  until  he  came  down  with  Governor  Andrew  Johnson, 
in  about  a  week,  when  they  would  take  me  as  far  as  Nash- 
ville. They  would  be  attended  by  a  guard  strong  enough 
to  beat  off  any  roving  band  that  might  venture  to  attack 
the  train.  Not  being  anxious  to  get  a  bullet  under  my 

104 


TRAVEL  IN  WAR    TIME.  105 

waistcoat,  or  such  an  inside  view  of  the  Confederacy  a& 
would  not  be  agreeable,  I  told  him  I  was  inclined  to  adopt 
his  suggestion,  but  would  look  over  the  ground  and  decide 
upon  my  course  when  I  reached  Louisville. 

Arrived  at  Louisville,  I  stopped  over  at  the  Louisville 
Hotel,  and,  on  going  in  to  dinner,  met  a  tall,  squarely  built 
man,  wearing  the  uniform  of  a  lieutenant-colonel.  He  had 
a  face  that  seemed  to  invite  conversation,  and  I  said  to  him, 
"  You  are  travelling,  sir  ?  " 

"  Yes,  sir,"  he  replied.  "  I  am  returning  to  my  regiment, 
—  the  82d  Indiana,  at  Triune." 

"  Is  it  entirely  safe  going  down  the  Nashville  road  ?  " 

"  Not  entirely.  When  I  came  up,  a  week  ago  Monday, 
we  were  fired  into  by  a  band  of  about  fifty,  guerillas ;  but 
we  beat  them  off." 

He  then  related  to  me  the  circumstances,  and  I  remarked 
that  I  had  set  out  to  visit  Rosecrans,  but  was  undecided 
whether  to  go  on  at  once,  or  to  wait  for  Governor  Johnson 
and  his  escort. 

He  answered  that  it  would  be  safer  to  go  at  once.  The 
Governor  would  doubtless  stay  in  Louisville  a  day  or  two, 
and,  as  the  place  was  full  of  Confederates,  every  guerilla  in 
Tennessee  would  know  when  he  set  out ;  and  if  they  could 
muster  strong  enough  they  would  be  sure  to  attack  him. 
He  should  go  down  by  the  next  train  and  would  be  glad  to 
have  me  for  a  travelling  companion. 

I  thanked  him,  remarking  that  his  revolver  had  acquitted 
itself  so  effectively  that  I  was  disposed  to  put  myself  under 
its  protection,  and  would  go  with  him. 

In  the  hotel  office  I  had  noticed  a  placard  which  read : 
"  Passengers  for  the  Louisville  and  Nashville  road  are 
notified  that  the  wagon  will  be  in  readiness  to  take  baggage 
to  the  Examiner's  Office  at  4  p.  M."  As  this  applied  to  us, 


106  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

I  suggested  to  the  colonel  that  we  should  repair  to  the 
"  Custom  House." 

We  found  it  on  a  side  street,  —  a  dingy  room  of  about 
twenty  feet  square,  densely  crowded  with  carpet-bags,  port- 
manteaus, packing  trunks,  and  a  score  of  German  Israelites, 
every  one  of  them  soliciting  the  immediate  attention  of  the 
single  examining  officer.  Another  official  was  behind  the 
counter  affixing  to  the  "  passed  "  packages  a  strip  of  white 
muslin  and  two  mammoth  daubs  of  red  sealing-wax.  The 
office  was  advertised  to  close  at  five  o'clock,  and  it  soon 
wanted  but  ten  minutes  of  that  hour.  As  our  luggage  could 
not  leave  the  State  unless  it  had  two  of  those  red  seals  upon 
it,  each  duly  stamped  "  U.  S.,"  the  prospect  for  our  going 
by  the  morning  train  seemed  decidedly  dubious ;  so  I  said 
to  the  coatless  official,  "  Is  there  any  probability  of  our  turn 
coming  this  evening,  sir  ?  " 

Scarcely  looking  up,  he  asked,  "  Are  you  an  Israelite, 
indeed  ? " 

"  No,  sir ;  neither  in  name  nor  in  deed.  I'm  a  rover  at 
large ;  this  gentleman  is  a  Union  officer." 

Glancing  at  the  colonel's  uniform,  he  touched  his  cap, 
saying,  "  Ah,  colonel,  how  are  you  ?  "  and  in  a  moment  he 
was  at  the  bottom  of  our  trunks.  In  three  minutes  the 
ceremony  was  over,  and  we  left  the  "  receipt  of  custom," 
devoutly  thankful  that  we  were  not  of  the  "  wandering 
tribes  of  Israel."  The  whole  scene  was  decidedly  suggest- 
ive of  a  landing  among  the  customs  officials  on  the  con- 
tinent of  Europe,  and  to  my  mind  it  was  a  foreshadowing 
of  what  would  happen  in  our  own  free  country  if  the  Con- 
federates had  their  way,  and  the  Union  were  rent  into  forty 
fragments. 

On  the  following  morning  we  set  out  for  Nashville.  At 
the  railway  station  we  were  again  reminded  that  we  might 


TRAVEL  IN  WAR   TIME.  107 

Toe  entering  the  French  or  Austrian  dominions.  At  every 
turn  my  military  passport  was  called  for.  I  offered  to  pay 
my  fare,  and  "  Please  show  your  pass,  sir,"  greeted  me  from 
the  small  opening  in  the  ticket-office.  I  tried  to  wedge  my 
way  through  the  crowd  that  blocked  the  inner  gateway,  and 
"  Please  show  your  pass,  sir,"  arrested  my  steps.  I  applied 
for  a  check  to  my  trunk,  and  "  Please  show  your  pass,  sir," 
echoed  from  the  lungs  of  the  luggage  department.  I 
attempted  to  get  upon  the  train,  and  "  Please  show  your 
pass,  sir,"  was  demanded  by  a  slim  young  man  in  shoulder 
straps ;  and  finally,  when  congratulating  myself  that  one- 
fourth  of  my  perilous  journey  was  over,  "Please  show 
your  pass,  sir,"  was  repeated  by  a  young  gentleman  in 
military  dress,  who  halted  abreast  of  me  in  the  aisle  of  the 
car.  Drawing  it  forth  in  decided  impatience,  I  asked,  "  Is 
this  never  to  end  ?  " 

"  Oh,  yes,  sir.  We'll  not  trouble  you  again  till  we 
reach  Nashville.  It  is  annoying,  but  absolutely  necessary." 

When  we  entered  the  car  it  was  packed  with  a  general 
assortment  of  Kentucky  jeans,  butternut  linseys,  regula- 
tion buttons  and  shoulder  straps,  —  these  last  returning  to 
their  regiments ;  but  a  solitary,  timid-looking  woman  in  a 
corner,  and  the  small  sprinkling  of  civilians  among  the 
military,  told  plainly  that  none  of  our  fellow  travellers 
were  leaving  home  on  a  pleasure  excursion.  We  found 
seats  among  some  agreeable  gentlemen,  one  of  them  an  army 
surgeon  who  was  decidedly  useful  to  me  in  recounting  the 
incidents  connected  with  the  various  interesting  localities 
through  which  we  passed. 

We  soon  entered  a  beautiful  region  where  the  thick  blue 
grass  was  waving  in  the  meadows,  and  the  early  wild 
flowers  were  blooming  by  the  roadside ;  but  where  the 
rich  red  soil  lay  unturned  by  the  plough,  the  stalks  of  last 


108  PERSONAL  EECOLLECTIONS. 

autumn's  corn  stood  rotting  on  the  ground,  and  desolation 
and  ruin  stared  at  us  from  every  visible  thing.  Broken 
fences,  wasted  fields,  deserted  plantations,  dismantled  dwell- 
ings, and  now  and  then  a  burned  woods,  or  a  charred 
chimney,  standing  a  lonely  sentinel  over  a  weedy  garden 
or  amid  a  blackened  grove,  told  that  the  whirlwind  of  war 
had  passed  that  way  and  left  only  ravage  and  devastation 
in  its  path.  A  ragged  woman,  looking  out  from  a 
wretched  hovel ;  a  solitary  half-clad  man,  lingering  around 
a  heap  of  ashes  and  crumbling  bricks  that  may  once  have 
been  his  home ;  or  a  group  of  naked  negro  children,  gam- 
bolling on  the  porch,  or  lolling  lazily  on  the  lawn  of  some 
deserted  homestead  that  still  looked  down  in  faded  gran- 
deur on  the  ruin  around  it,  were  the  only  indications  of 
human  existence,  and  the  only  remnants  of  a  once  peaceful 
and  happy  population.  It  was  one  of  the  most  lovely 
regions  of  the  earth,  —  naked,  but  beautiful  in  its  naked- 
ness. A  curse  had  fallen  on  those  once  happy  homes, — 
the  "  abomination  of  desolation "  sat  in  those  pleasant 
places. 

Suddenly  the  engine-whistle  sounded  shrilly  through  the 
woods ;  the  train  broke  up,  and  every  man  in  the  car  sprang 
to  his  feet,  a  dozen  voices  crying  out,  "The  guerillas  are 
on  us ! " 

"  Are  you  armed,  sir  ?  "  said  the  colonel  to  me,  as  coolly 
as  if  we  were  at  his  dinner-table. 

"  No,  sir ;  I  am  not." 

"  Take  this,"  he  said ;  "  it  may  be  useful." 

Cocking  the  revolver,  I  seated  myself  and  breathlessly 
awaited  the  expected  attack.  The  surgeon,  who  had  been 
indulging  in  a  short  nap,  now  opened  his  eyes  and  asked, 
"  What's  to  pay  ?  " 

"  I  reckon  the  bushwhackers  are  on  us,"  said  the  colonel. 


TRAVEL   IN  WAR    TIME,  109 

"  That  can't  be,  this  side  of  Bowling  Green,  —  some  one 
had  better  reconnoitre,"  said  the  surgeon,  drawing  from  his 
pocket  a  small  pistol,  and  striding  towards  the  car  door. 

"  For  God's  sake,  don't  go  there ;  keep  inside ! "  ex- 
claimed half  a  dozen  voices. 

Giving  no  heed  to  these  warnings,  the  surgeon  stepped 
out  upon  the  platform,  saying,  "  Where's  the  guard  ? 
Well,  these  fellows  are  never  where  they  should  be." 

The  single  soldier  who  had  been  stationed  before  the 
door,  naturally  objecting  to  standing  as  a  target  for  an 
unknown  number  of  rifles,  had  disappeared  into  the  forward 
car.  The  surgeon  glanced  cautiously  around,  and  ap- 
parently seeing  nothing  to  satisfy  his  curiosity,  he  made  a 
sudden  spring  for  a  huge  tree  that  stood  a  short  distance 
from  the  track.  By  this  movement  he  secured  two  breast- 
works, —  the  tree  in  his  front,  and  the  car  in  his  rear. 

"  He  jumps  like  a  wildcat ! "  exclaimed  the  colonel. 
"  But  look  at  our  neighbors !  Ha  !  ha !  " 

Turning  about,  I  beheld  nearly  all  the  civilians  crouched 
beneath  the  windows,  and  not  a  few  of  the  military  with 
arms  and  legs  couchant.  The  surgeon,  springing  from  tree 
to  tree,  explored  the  woods  for  about  a  hundred  yards. 
He  found  numerous  tracks  of  men  and  horses,  but  no 
human  being  was  anywhere  visible.  A  few  rails  were  dis- 
placed, and  stringpieces  torn  from  their  places,  showing  a 
design  to  stop  the  train;  but  for  some  unknown  reason 
the  assault  had  been  abandoned.  I  breathed  more  freely ; 
for,  if  the  truth  must  be  told,  my  respiratory  apparatus 
had  not  performed  its  functions  with  its  usual  composure. 
Even  a  brave  man  —  and  bravery  is  not  essential  to  one  of 
my  profession  —  is  shaken  when  confronting  an  unseen 
danger;  and  it  surprised  me  to  see  the  perfect  coolness 
which  the  surgeon  and  the  colonel  had  maintained.  I  said 


110  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

as  much  to  them  when,  at  the  end  of  a  half  hour,  the  rails 
were  replaced  and  the  train  got  under  way  again. 

"  Courage,"  said  the  colonel,  "  like  almost  everything 
else,  is  a  matter  of  habit.  A  man  who  has  for  two  years 
daily  expected  every  bush  would  give  him  a  bullet,  gets 
indifferent  to  danger ;  but,  after  all,  I  had  rather  have 
death  come  at  me  face  to  face  than  spring  at  my  back 
from  behind  a  rail  fence." 

Soon  afterward  the  train  arrived  at  Memphis  Junction, 
and  the  colonel  and  the  surgeon  left  the  car,  and  took  a 
train  which  was  on  the  track  for  Clarksville. 

My  travelling  companions  gone,  I  stretched  my  legs  upon 
the  seats  they  had  occupied  and  was  soon  far  away  in  some 
corner  of  the  universe  where  strife  and  bloody  contention 
have  never  been  known.  My  slumber  was,  after  awhile, 
rudely  broken  by  a  heavy  hand  laid  on  my  shoulder,  and  a 
gruff  voice  saying,  "  Don't  want  ter  'sturb  yer,  stranger, 
but  thar  hain't  nary  'nother  sittin' -place  in  the  whole  kear." 

I  drew  in  my  extremities,  and  he  seated  himself  before 
me.  He  was  a  spare,  muscular  man  of  about  forty  years,  a 
little  above  the  medium  height,  with  thick,  sandy  hair  and 
beard,  and  a  full,  clear  gray  eye.  There  was  nothing 
about  him  to  attract  particular  attention  except  his  cloth- 
ing, but  that  was  so  out  of  all  keeping  with  the  place  and  the 
occasion,  that  I  opened  my  eyes  to  their  fullest  extent,  and 
scanned  him  from  head  to  foot.  He  wore  the  gray  uniform 
of  a  Confederate  officer,  and  in  the  breast  of  his  coat,  right 
over  his  heart,  was  a  round  hole,  scorched  at  the  edges,  and 
darkly  stained  with  blood.  Over  his  shoulder  was  slung  a 
large  army  revolver,  and  at  his  side,  in  a  leathern  sheath, 
hung  a  weapon  that  seemed  a  sort  of  cross  between  a  bowie 
knife  and  a  butcher's  cleaver.  He  styled  it  a  sword,  and  I  af- 
terwards discovered  that  it  had  been  fashioned  from  a  large 


TRAVEL  IN  WAR   TIME.  Ill 

horse-file  by  a  back-country  blacksmith.  On  his  head,  sur- 
mounted by  a  black  plume,  was  a  mouse-colored  slouch  hat, 
and  falling  stiffly  from  beneath  it,  and  tied  under  his  chin, 
was  a  white  cotton  handkerchief  saturated  with  blood. 
Nine  motley-clad  "  natives,"  all  heavily  armed,  had  entered 
the  car  with  him  and  taken  the  vacant  seats  around  me, 
and  at  first  view  I  was  inclined  to  think  that  in  my  sleep 
the  train  had  gone  over  to  the  enemy,  and  left  me  in  the 
hands  of  the  Philistines.  However,  I  was  soon  reassured, 
for,  looking  about  me,  I  perceived  the  Union  guard  and  my 
fellow  travellers  all  in  their  previous  places,  and  as  uncon- 
cerned as  if  no  unusual  thing  had  happened.  Still,  it  ap- 
peared singular  that  none  of  the  soldiers  had  the  newcomer 
in  charge,  and  more  singular  that  any  one  in  the  uniform 
he  wore  should  be  allowed  to  carry  arms  so  freely.  After 
awhile,  having  gleaned  as  much  knowledge  as  my  eyes 
could  command,  I  remarked,  in  a  friendly  way,  "  Well,  my 
friend,  you  seem  to  take  things  rather  coolly." 

"  Oh,  yes,  sir,"  he  answered.  "  I  orter ;  I've  been  mighty 
hard  put,  but  I  reckon  I'm  good  for  another  pull  now." 

"  Where  are  you  from  ?  "  I  asked. 

"Fentriss  County,  nigh  enter  Jimtown"  (Jamestown). 
I'm  scoutin'  it  for  Burnside,  —  runnin'  boys  inter  camp." 

"  Oh  !  Then  you  wear  that  uniform  as  a  disguise  on 
scouting  expeditions  ?  " 

"  No,  sir,  I  never  hed  sech  a  rig  on  afore,  I  allers  shows 
the  true  flag ;  an'  thar  hain't  no  risk  in  doin'  it,  'case,  yer 
see,  the  hull  district  down  thar  ar'  Union  folk,  an'  ary  one 
uv  'em  would  housen  me  ef  all  Buckner's  army  was  at  my 
heels.  But  this  time  they  run  me  powerful  close,  an'  I  hed 
ter  show  the  Secesh  rags."  And  as  he  said  this,  he  looked 
down  on  his  clean,  unworn  suit  of  Confederate  gray  with 
ineffable  contempt. 


112  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

"  How  could  you  manage  to  live  with  such  a  hole 
there  ? "  I  asked,  pointing  to  the  bullet-rent  in  the  breast 
of  his  coat. 

"  Oh,  I  warn't  inside  uv  'em  jist  then  ;  but  I  warrant  me 
he  war  a  likely  feller  thet  war.     I  ortent  ter  a  done  it,  — 
but  I  hed  ter.     It  war  my  life  or  his'n.     This  war  he." 
And  taking  from  his  side  pocket  a  small  miniature,  he 
handed  it  to  me. 

It  was  a  plain  circlet  of  gold,  attached  to  a  piece  of  blue 
ribbon.  One  side  of  the  rim  was  slightly  clipped,  as  if  it 
had  been  grazed  by  the  passing  ball,  and  the  upper  portion 
of  the  ivory  was  darkly  stained  with  blood ;  but  enough  of 
the  face  was  unobscured  to  show  the  features  of  a  young 
man,  with  dark,  flowing  hair,  and  a  full,  frank,  manly  face. 
With  a  feeling  akin  to  horror  I  was  handing  the  picture 
back  to  the  scout  when,  in  low,  stammering  tones,  he  said 
to  me,  "  T'other  side,  sir.  Look  at  t'other  side." 

I  turned  the  miniature  over,  and  saw  the  portrait  of  a 
young  woman  scarcely  more  than  seventeen.  She  had 
a  clear,  transparent  skin,  regular  oval  features,  full,  swim- 
ming black  eyes,  and  what  must  have  been  wavy  brown 
hair,  but  changed  to  a  deep  auburn  by  the  red  stains 
that  tinged  the  upper  part  of  the  portrait.  With  intense 
loathing  I  turned  almost  fiercely  on  the  scout,  and  exclaimed, 
"  And  you  killed  that  man  ?  " 

"  Yes,  sir ;  God  forgive  me,  —  I  done  it.  I  couldn't  holp 
it.  He  hed  me  down,  —  hed  cut  me  thar,"  turning  up  his 
sleeve,  and  displaying  a  deep  wound  on  his  arm, "  an'  thar ! " 
removing  the  bandage  and  showing  a  long  gash  behind  his 
ear.  "  His  arm  was  riz  ter  strike  agen,  —  in  another  min- 
nit  he'd  hev  cluv  my  brain.  I  seed  it,  sir,  an'  I  fired! 
God  forgive  me,  —  I  fired.  I  wouldn't  a  done  it  if  I'd 
know'd  thet !  "  and  he  looked  down  on  the  face  of  the  sweet 


TRAVEL  IN  WAR   TIME.  113 

young  girl,  and  the  moisture  came  into  his  eyes.  "  I'd  hev 
shot  him  somewhar  but  yere,  —  somewhar  but  yere."  And 
placing  his  hand  over  the  rent  in  his  coat,  he  groaned,  as  if 
he  felt  the  wound.  Listening,  with  that  blood-stained 
miniature  in  my  hand,  to  the  broken  words  of  that  ignorant 
scout,  I  realized  something  of  the  horrible  barbarity  of  war. 
By  this  time  we  had  crossed  the  Cumberland,  and  were 
approaching  Nashville.  Its  beautiful  suburbs,  though  cov- 
ered with  the  early  foliage  of  spring,  wore  a  most  desolate 
appearance.  Stately  villas  were  heaps  of  rums  ;  fine  plan- 
tations and  charming  gardens  were  overrun  with  weeds. 
At  the  railway  station  I  ran  the  gantlet  of  another  set  of 
military  officials.  Passes  were  examined  and  luggage 
looked  into,  but  after  awhile  I  disengaged  myself  from  the 
crowd,  and  was  driven  off  to  the  Commercial  Hotel. 


CHAPTER  XL 

WITH   "OLD   ROSEY." 

I  WAS  now  in  the  dominion  of  "  Old  Rosey,"  as  General 
Rosecrans  was  affectionately  styled  by  every  man  and 
woman,  white  and  black,  within  the  limits  of  his  depart- 
ment. To  get  into  it,  I  had  been  obliged  to  have  a  permit 
from  General  Burnside,  and  on  my  arrival  at  Nashville  I 
discovered  that  to  get  out  to  it,  or  to  move  forward  to  my 
destination  at  Murfreesborough,  I  was  required  to  have  a 
similar  document  from  the  provost  marshal  at  Rosecrans's 
headquarters.  This  involved  my  remaining  over  for  a  day 
at  Nashville,  and  Iwhiled  away  the  time  by  roaming  about 
the  town,  visiting  the  military  prison  and  the  various  Union 
camps  in  the  neighborhood.  About  noon,  finding  myself  in 
the  vicinity  of  the  capitol,  I  called  there  and  left  with  his 
private  secretary  a  letter  of  introduction  I  had  to  Andrew 
Johnson,  then  military  governor  of  Tennessee.  I  knew  that 
he  was  absent  in  the  North,  but  it  occurred  to  me  that  I 
might  need  to  know  him  before  I  got  out  of  Secessia.  Then, 
after  dinner,  I  strolled  out  into  the  open  fields,  where  a 
short  walk  brought  me  to  the  city  cemetery,  —  a  beautiful 
spot,  with  growing  grass,  and  waving  trees,  and  numberless 
flowers  bending  0ver  low  mounds ;  and  in  one  corner  half 
a  thousand  new-made  graves,  whose  simple  headstones  told 
that  the  soldiers  of  the  Union  were  sleeping  beneath  them. 

One  of  these  graves  was  open,  and  an  old  negro  was  fill- 
ing it  with  earth, —  singing  as  he  worked.  Seating  myself  on 

114 


WITH  "OLD  ROSEY."  115 

a  low  paling,  I  listened  to  his  song,  and  these  are  some  of  its 
words  as  I  took  them  down  soon  afterwards,  from  his  dicta- 
tion. I  quote  them  not  for  their  poetic  merit,  but  to  show 
the  kind  of  music  which  was  then  popular  in  that  section 
of  the  country. 

"  Say,  darkies,  hab  yo  seed  de  massa 

Wid  de  mufftash  on  his  face, 
Gwo  long  de  road  some  time  dis  mornin', 

Like  he  gwine  ter  leab  de  place  ? 
He  toted  'way  a  hoss  and  saddle, 

An'  forgot  ter  leab  de  pay  ; 
So  I  spec'  he'm  jined  de  big  skedaddle ; 
I  spec'  he'm  run  away. 
De  massa  run,  ha  !  ha ! 
De  darky  stay,  ho  !  ho ! 
It  mus'  be  now  de  Kingdom  comin', 
An'  de  year  ob  jubilo. 

"  He  leff  ahind  some  likely  darkies, 

A-suffrin'  sad  wid  grief, 
Fur  dat  dar  high  and  mighty  massa 

Hab  turned  a  mean  hoss-tief  ! 
Dey  greab  as  ef  dey  wuz  his  chillen, 

An'  I  haff  suspec'  dey  ar' ; 
For  dey's  his  nose,  his  big  base  fiddle, 
An'  his  reddish  wolly  ha'r. 
De  massa  run,  ha !  ha ! 
De  darky  stay,  ho  !  ho  ! 
It  mus'  be  now  de  Kingdom  comin', 
An'  de  year  of  jubilo." 

"  Lamenting  for  your  master,  eh,  uncle  ?  "  I  said,  ap- 
proaching him.  "It  was  wrong  in  him  to  turn  'hoss- 
tief.'  " 

The  old  man  paused  at  his  work,  and,  turning  on  me  with 
a  look  of  wounded  pride,  said,  "  My  massa  hain't  no  hoss- 
tief,  sar.  He  neber  done  no  sech  a  ting,  —  neber,  sar ! " 


116  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

"  I  merely  took  your  word  for  it,  —  that's  all." 

«  Dat  warn't  my  massa,  sar,"  he  answered,  good-naturedly ; 
*'  dat  was  some  on  dem  low  Secesh.  My  massa  done  gone 
away,  sar  ;  but  he  leab  eberyting  ahind,  eben  old  Joe." 

"  And  did  you  want  to  go  with  him  ?  " 

"  No,  sar !  I  hain't  no  Secesh  ;  an'  I  was  fetched  up  dis  a 
way  ter  Nashville.  Massa  know'd  I  didn't  want  ter  leab,  an' 
lie  reckoned  I  cud  shirk  fur  myself  somehow." 

"  How  do  you  get  on,  shirking  for  yourself  ?  You  are  very 
old." 

He  seemed  more  than  seventy.  His  hair  was  white,  his 
body  bowed,  and  scarcely  more  than  a  skeleton.  His  story 
was  illustrative  of  the  fearful  experiences  of  the  negro  in 
the  war,  but  I  have  not  space  here  to  tell  it;  so  I  will 
merely  say  that,  saying  good-by  to  him,  I  strolled  about 
Nashville,  leaving,  meanwhile,  at  the  State  House,  a  letter  I 
had  for  Andrew  Johnson. 

I  had  invited  the  old  negro  to  come  to  me  when  his  work 
was  over  that  evening,  and  I  was  seated  with  him  in  the 
smoke-beclouded  hotel  office,  when  the  landlord  brought  to 
me  a  tall,  fine-looking  man,  whom  he  introduced  as  the  Hon. 
Edward  H.  East,  Secretary  of  State,  and  acting-Governor  in 
Governor  Johnson's  absence.  Mr.  East  said  he  had  seen 
my  letter  to  the  Governor,  and  had  come  to  offer  his  ser- 
vices in  any  manner  I  might  require  them.  I  thanked  him, 
and  invited  him  to  a  seat,  at  the  same  time  apologizing  for 
the  reception-room  in  which  I  had  to  receive  him,  —  the 
smoke-begrimed  office  of  a  filthy  tavern,  its  every  seat  occu- 
pied by  a  noisy  crowd,  and  not  even  a  broken-backed  chair 
or  a  three-legged  stool  to  offer  to  the  second  official  of  the 
State  of  Tennessee.  I  was  looking  about  for  a  chair,  when 
Mr.  East  pulled  a  trunk  from  a  pile  in  the  corner,  saying, 
"  Never  mind,  never  mind,  this  will  do."  I  was  near  the 


WITH  "OLD  ROSEY."  117 

close  of  a  two-hours'  conversation  with  this  gentleman, 
when  a  paper  was  handed  me,  signed  "  W.  Truesdell,"  which 
said  that  if  it  were  shown  upon  the  cars  it  would  secure  me 
a  free  passage  to  Murfreesborough. 

I  set  out  on  the  following  morning,  and,  on  alighting 
from  the  cars  at  Murfreesborough,  I  was  told  that  General 
Rosecrans  was  at  the  front,  and  not  expected  to  return 
until  the  following  day ;  so,  not  being  able  to  deliver  my 
letters  of  introduction,  and  seeing  a  dilapidated  omnibus  — 
some  cast-off  Northern  vehicle  —  drawn  up  at  the  doorway 
of  the  station,  I  applied  to  the  driver  to  take  me  to  where 
I  could  pass  the  night.  "  I  can  take  you  to  jail,  sir,  —  it's 
the  only  house  here  that  takes  in  strangers,"  was  his  an- 
swer. The  town  was  then  a  military  camp  with  40,000 
soldier  inhabitants,  but  with  not  a  solitary  inn  or  other 
accommodation  for  travellers. 

I  was  questioning  with  myself  what  to  do  in  the  emer- 
gency, when  I  was  accosted  by  a  "  native,"  whom  I  had  met, 
years  before,  in  the  mountains  of  East  Tennessee,  who 
offered  to  take  me  to  the  house  of  a  lady  of  his  acquaint- 
ance. "She's  Secesh,"  he  said,  "way  up  ter  the  ears, 
and  her  fixin's  hain't  nothin'  ter  brag  on,  but  if  I  ask  her,  I 
reckon  she'll  tuck  you  in." 

I  was  pursuing  knowledge  under  difficulties,  and  if  Rose- 
crans  did  not  turn  out  to  be  a  better  President  than  the 
common  run  of  those  officials,  it  was  certain  that  I  was  un- 
dergoing a  good  deal  of  unprofitable  privation.  But  it  was 
Hobson's  choice,  — that  or  nothing,  —  so  I  gladly  went  along 
with  my  "  native  "  friend,  and  was  cordially  welcomed  by 
the  Secesh  lady.  She  had  a  son  and  a  husband  in  the 
Confederate  army,  and  had  stayed  behind  to  attack  the  most 
vital  part  of  the  Yankee  enemy,  —  the  stomach ;  but  she 
did  it  with  such  unaffected  grace,  such  genuine,  though 


118  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

effusive,  kindness,  that  it  gave  a  relish  to  coarse  corn-pone, 
and  to  bacon  fried  in  lard,  and  tougher  than  gutta-percha. 

After  dinner,  I  sent  my  letters  of  introduction  by  a  mes- 
senger to  the  general's  headquarters,  and  on  the  succeeding 
morning,  being  told  that  he  was  an  early  riser,  I  followed 
them  for  a  personal  interview.  I  found  his  quarters  in  a 
modest  brick  building  on  a  side  street,  and  knew  it  at  once 
from  a  large  Union  flag  that  was  flying  above  its  entrance. 
Entering  the  open  doorway,  I  inquired  of  one  of  his  aides  if 
the  general  received  visitors  at  so  early  an  hour;  the  an- 
swer was  that  he  was  accessible  at  all  hours  of  the  day  or 
night,  but  he  was  just  then  at  breakfast ;  however,  if  my 
business  was  pressing,  it  would  be  attended  to  by  his  chief 
of  staff,  General  Garfield,  who  was  in  the  next  apartment. 
I  expressed  a  desire  to  meet  that  gentleman,  and  the  aide 
ushered  me  at  once  into  an  adjoining  room,  where,  seated  by 
a  window  in  a  corner,  at  an  unpainted  pine  desk,  —  a  sort 
of  packing-box,  perched  on  a  tall  stool,  with  pigeonholes 
and  a  turn-down  lid,  —  was  a  tall,  deep-chested,  sinewy 
built  man,  with  large,  regular  features,  a  full,  bluish-gray 
eye,  and  an  expansive  forehead,  decidedly  prominent  under 
the  eyebrows.  He  gave  me  a  hasty  glance,  and  when  I 
mentioned  my  name  rose  and,  with  a  warm  grasp  of  the 
hand,  said,  "I  am  glad  to  meet  you.  I  have  seen  your 
handwriting,  —  Edmund  Kirke,  his  (X)  mark,"  as  he  spoke, 
cutting  the  air  in  the  form  of  a  cross. 

"  And  I  have  seen  yours,"  I  replied  ;  "  but  you  write  with 
a  steel  pen,  —  epics  in  the  measure  of  '  Hail  Columbia.' ' 

I  sat  down  with  him,  and  did  not  think  again  of  R-ose- 
crans  until  Garfield  reminded  me  that  I  had  better  see  him 
before  he  was  overrun  with  visitors.  He  then  led  me  into 
a  larger  apartment,  which,  from  the  gaudy  papering  of  the 
walls  and  its  other  vestiges  of  gentility,  I  concluded  had 


WITH  "OiZ>  ROSET."  119 

been  the  drawing-room  of  the  former  tenant  of  the  mansion. 
At  the  right  of  the  doorway  was  a  high-post  bedstead,  and 
scattered  about  the  bare  floor  were  a  dozen  hard-bottomed 
chairs,  a  pine  wash-stand,  a  wooden  water-pail,  and  an  old- 
fashioned  sideboard.  Against  the  wall,  by  the  front  window, 
was  a  large  pine  table  surmounted  by  a  framework  of 
pigeonholes,  and  covered  with  various  open  maps,  Secession 
newspapers,  and  official  documents.  At  this  table  —  in  a 
rosewood  armchair  sadly  out  at  the  elbows,  a  cigar  in  his 
mouth,  and  a  paper-cutter  in  his  hand,  with  which  he  was 
rapidly  dissecting  a  large  pile  of  unopened  letters  that  lay 
before  him  —  sat  the  man  whom  the  Republican  leaders 
had  selected  as  their  next  candidate  for  the  presidency. 

He  took  no  notice  of  us  until  Garfield  led  me  up  to  his 
desk,  and  said,  "  General,  this  is  Mr.  — "  He  did  not 
complete  the  sentence,  for  Rosecrans  no  sooner  looked  up 
than  he  rose  to  his  feet  and,  extending  his  hand  in  a  cor- 
dial way,  said,  "  How  are  you,  Gilmore.  I  am  glad  to  meet 
you." 

As  I  took  his  hand,  I  remarked,  "Why,  general,  have 
we  met  before  ?  " 

He  answered,  "No,  I  think  not;  but  Quincy  Gillmore 
was  in  my  class  at  West  Point,  and  you  are  exactly  like 
him,  —  only  he  is  a  better-looking  man  than  you  are." 

I  laughed,  saying,  "  We  are  often  taken  for  one  another ; 
but  I  think  our  kinship  is  very  remote.  Once  we  sat  down 
together  to  see  how  near  we  were  related,  and,  after  floun- 
dering about  for  a  time,  I  told  him  we  must  have  come 
from  those  two  brothers,  Cain  and  Abel,  and,  as  I  had  no 
particular  preference,  he  might  take  his  choice.  'Then,' 
he  said,  'if  it  makes  no  difference  to  you,  I'll  take  Cain, 
for  he  was  the  more  of  a  man  of  the  two.' " 

Rosecrans  laughed,  saying,  "  That  sounds  exactly  like 


120  PER SOy AL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

Quincy,  — he  is  a  royal  good  fellow.  I've  read  your  books, 
and  I'll  wager  a  dime  you  are  of  the  same  kidney.  But, 
lest  you  may  think  me  a  closer  observer  than  I  am,  I'll  tell 
you  that  I  knew  you  were  coming,  and  was  expecting 
you." 

"  Expecting  me ! "  I  echoed.  "  On  my  way  down  an  old 
darky  told  me  that  you  knew  everything, —  I  reckon  it's  so." 

"  I  reckon  it  isn't,"  he  answered,  motioning  me  to  a  chair, 
resuming  his  own,  and,  plunging  again  into  the  unopened 
letters.  "  But  I  knew  you  were  coming,  for  you've  been 
announced."  Saying  this,  he  handed  me  one  of  the  letters 
he  had  recently  opened.  It  was  from  the  chaplain  of  an 
Indiana  regiment  who  had  been  my  roommate  at  the  dingy 
hotel  in  Nashville.  He  had  concocted  a  plan  for  educating 
the  negroes  in  "  ten  lessons  of  one  hour  each,"  and,  not 
content  with  keeping  me  awake  with  it  until  two  o'clock 
in  the  morning,  had,  without  my  knowledge  or  consent, 
written  Rosecrans  by  the  previous  mail,  referring  him  to 
me  for  "  further  particulars." 

"  What  do  you  know  of  that  man  ?  "  he  asked,  going  on 
with  his  letters. 

"  Nothing,"  I  answered,  "  but  I  think  he  knows  about  as 
much  of  the  Southern  negro  as  I  know  of  the  moon." 

"I  thought  so.  A  mere  theorist  Only  practical  men 
are  fit  for  the  work  we  have  in  hand.  What  do  you  think 
we  should  do  with  the  negro  ?  " 

"  Let  him  alone." 

"  You  are  right,"  he  answered,  dropping  his  letters  for  a 
moment.  "  Give  him  the  Bible  and  a  spelling-book,  free- 
dom, and  a  chance  for  something  more  than  six  feet  of 
God's  earth, —  and  let  him  alone." 

Saying  this,  he  plunged  again  into  his  correspondence, 
all  the  while  continuing  the  conversation.  It  had  lasted 


WITH  "OLD  R08EY."  121 

for  perhaps  a  quarter  of  an  hour,  when  the  door  opened, 
and  a  tall,  erect,  rather  stoutly  built  man,  with  square  but 
regular  features,  and  a  somewhat  impassive  face,  entered 
the  apartment.  From  his  uniform,  and  the  portraits  of 
him  that  I  had  seen,  I  recognized  him  at  once  as  Gen. 
George  H.  Thomas.  He  said  "  Good  morning "  to  Rose- 
crans,  and  then  the  latter  introduced  him  to  me,  and  he 
sat  down  beside  us.  By  this  time  Rosecrans  had  gotten 
through  his  letters,  and  had  begun  to  dictate  replies  to  his 
senior  aide,  Major  Frank  S.  Bond,  who  had  seated  him- 
self on  the  other  side  of  the  pine  table  ;  but  he  continued 
to  discuss  the  negro  question.  General  Thomas,  who  had 
been  reared  among  slaves,  soon  joined  in  the  conversation, 
and  before  long  it  ranged  over  the  entire  field  of  what,  as 
Rosecrans  expressed  it,  would  "  prove  to  be  the  most  diffi- 
cult and  perplexing  problem  of  the  nineteenth  century." 
The  course  that  things  had  so  speedily  taken  chimed  in 
with  my  desires  exactly,  for  my  wish  had  been  to  get  at 
the  sentiments  of  Rosecrans  without  asking  him  any  direct 
questions. 

After  a  time  the  conversation  was  interrupted  by  the 
entrance  of  a  throng  of  visitors,  and  I  adjourned  with 
General  Thomas  to  his  quarters,  where  I  dined  and  passed 
the  remainder  of  the  day  till  evening,  when  I  went  with 
him  again  to  the  private  apartment  of  Rosecrans.  There, 
about  midnight,  one  of  the  officers  present  asked  of  me  the 
question:  "What  effect  would  the  abolition  of  slavery 
have  upon  the  amalgamation  of  the  whites  and  negroes  ?  " 
and  I  was  giving  him  my  views  upon  the  subject  when 
Rosecrans  came  to  where  we  were  seated,  and,  placing  his 
hand  upon  the  back  of  General  Thomas's  chair,  said,  at 
the  first  break  in  the  conversation :  "  Speaking  of  white- 
blacks  reminds  me  of  two  who  came  within  the  lines  a  few 


122  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

weeks  ago.  They  were  as  white  as  I  am,  —  a  little  boy  and 
girl,  belonging  to  a  rich  planter,  and  a  '  strong  Union  man,' 
living  some  twenty  miles  from  here.  He  called  on  me  the 
other  day,  and  feeling  it  my  duty  to  be  courteous  to  *  our 
friends,'  I  asked  him  to  dinner.  Every  moment  I  expected 
he  would  broach  the  subject  of  his  slaves,  but  he  left  with- 
out saying  a  word  about  them.  However,  he  came  back 
in  a  few  days.  I  invited  him  again  to  dinner,  and  he 
declined,  but  said,  <  Gen'ral,  some  of  my  property  has  come 
inter  yer  lines.  I  knowed  they  wuz  here  when  I  seed  ye 
afore,  but  I  was  telled  ye'd  yered  they  wuz  my  children,  — 
ye  sees  they's  as  white  as  I  am,  —  and  I  felt  sort  o'  delicate 
like  'bout  axing  ye  fur  'em  till  I  could  show  fur  certain 
they  wasn't.  They's  my  nevy's,  —  yere's  the  papers  to 
prove  it.' 

"  *  I  don't  see  what  difference  it  makes  whether  they  are 
your  children  or  your  nephew's,'  I  answered.  '  But  I  sup- 
pose you  have  come  to  claim  them  ? ' 

"  '  That  is  what  I'se  come  fur,  gen'ral,'  he  replied.  '  I 
s'pose  ye'll  guv  'em  up  ?' 

" '  Of  course,'  I  answered,  *  we  are  not  negro-stealers. 
Every  man  shall  have  his  rights  within  my  lines.' 

"  <  I  am  obleeged  to  ye,  —  much  obleeged  to  ye,  gen'ral,' 
he  said,  showing  strong  symptoms  of  hugging  me.  '  I  was 
telled  ye  was  a  blasted  Ab'lishioner,  and  wouldn't  guv  'em 
up,  and  I'm  right  glad  ye  does,  fur  it'll  do  a  heap  uv  good  ; 
it'll  conciliate  the  loyal  people  'round  here  mightily.  Whar 
is  they,  gen'ral  ? ' 

"  I  answered  him, '  I  don't  know,  —  Major  Bond  can  tell 
you.' 

"  *  Won't  it  require  an  order  from  ye  to  git  'em,  gen'ral  ? ' 
he  asked. 

" '  Oh,  no,'  I  answered ;  '  you  only  need  ask  them  to  go 


WITH  "OLD  ROSEY."  123 

with  you,  —  slavery  is  so  benign  a  thing  that  even  white 
children  must  love  it.' 

" '  And  karn't  I  hev  'em  'cept  they'll  go  peaceably  ? '  he 
exclaimed,  in  consternation. 

" '  Of  course  not,'  I  replied.  '  You  must  use  no  force. 
We  neither  steal  negroes  nor  catch  them.' 

"With  a  big  flea  in  his  ear  the  planter  left,  no  doubt 
cursing  me  for  a  blasted  '  Ab'lishioner.' " 

This  was  when  the  Government  was  pursuing  its  "  con- 
ciliatory policy,"  and  nearly  every  department  commander 
was  returning  fugitives.  There  was  no  mistaking  such 
sentiments,  and  yet  the  question  remained  whether,  in  his 
anxiety  to  save  the  Union,  Rosecrans  might  not  consent  to 
its  restoration  "  as  it  was,"  and  without  the  extermination 
of  slavery.  To  get  an  answer  to  this,  without  putting  to 
him  any  direct  queries,  and  also  to  measure  him,  as  Mr. 
Greeley  had  suggested,  "from  head  to  foot,"  I  remained 
with  him  a  fortnight,  in  which  time  I  fully  satisfied  myself 
that  he  was  not  only  "  sound  on  the  goose,"  but  was  also 
a  man  of  remarkable  executive  ability,  extensive  culture, 
broad,  comprehensive  views,  and,  moreover,  a  true  Chris- 
tian gentleman,  who  would  do  honor  to  any  station  within 
the  gift  of  the  American  people. 

He  made  me  perfectly  at  home,  going  out  of  his  way  to 
give  me  every  facility  for  observing  the  organization  and 
operation  of  an  army,  and  introducing  me  to  every  one  of 
his  general  officers,  commenting  on  them  as  freely  as  if  he 
had  known  me  for  half  a  century.  Of  his  chief  of  staff, 
General  Garfield,  he  said,  "  He  has,  you  know,  been  elected 
to  Congress.  He  will  make  his  mark  there,  and  come  out 
at  the  top  of  the  heap.  He  is  the  best-read  man  in  my 
army."  Of  Sheridan,  "You  wouldn't  suppose  that  quiet, 
unassuming  gentleman  was  a  perfect  tornado  in  battle. 


124  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

I  rode  up  to  him  at  Stone  River  when  nearly  a  half  of  his 
men  were  on  the  ground  either  dead  or  disabled,  and  he 
was  pouring  such  a  volley  of  oaths  into  the  remainder  as 
made  my  blood  curdle.  *  Hold  on,  Sheridan,'  I  said  to  him, 
4  omit  the  profanity.  Remember,  the  first  bullet  may  send 
you  into  eternity.'  *  I  can't  help  it,  general,'  he  answered, 
'  we  must  hold  this  point ;  and  my  men  won't  think  I'm  in 
earnest  unless  I  swear  at  them  like  hell.'  If  he  lives,  and 
has  a  chance,  Sheridan  will  rise  to  the  highest  rank  in  the 
army,  for  he  is  not  only  a  born  fighter  but  a  great  general. 
Of  Arthur  C.  Ducat,  his  inspector-general,  a  young  man 
of  thirty,  bearing  a  strong  facial  resemblance  to  the  first 
Napoleon,  he  said :  "  That  is  one  of  the  bravest  men  I  ever 
knew ;  I  saw  him  once  coolly  face  almost  certain  death,  to 
perform  a  duty.  Three  on  the  same  duty  had  fallen  before 
his  eyes,  and  he  had  to  run  the  gantlet  of  a  thousand  mus- 
kets ;  but  he  did  it." 

I  cannot  repeat  the  general's  words,  but  I  think  I  can 
correctly  relate  the  circumstances.  It  was  at  the  battle  of 
luka,  where  Rosecrans,  with  only  2,800  men  actually 
engaged,  was  fighting  a  Confederate  force  of  11,000,  hold- 
ing a  chosen  and  very  strong  position.  Ducat,  in  riding 
up  to  the  general,  had  observed  a  regiment  of  General 
Stanley's  division  that  was  about  to  be  enveloped  and 
overwhelmed  by  a  much  larger  force  of  the  enemy.  "  Ride 
on  and  warn  Stanley  at  once,"  said  Rosecrans.  An  acre 
on  fire  and  swept  with  bullets  lay  between  him  and  the 
menaced  regiment ;  Ducat  glanced  at  it  and  said,  "  General, 
I  have  a  wife  and  children." 

"  You  knew  that  when  you  came  here,"  said  Rosecrans, 
coolly. 

"I'll  go,  sir,"  said  Ducat,  moving  his  horse  forward 
after  his  momentary  hesitation. 


WITH  "OLD   ROSEY."  125 

"  Stay  a  moment.  We  must  make  sure  of  this,"  said 
Rosecrans.  He  thought  a  thousand  lives  of  more  value 
than  four,  so,  hastily  writing  some  despatches  on  the 
pommel  of  his  saddle,  he  gave  one  to  each  of  three  orderlies, 
and  sent  them  off,  at  intervals  of  about  sixty  yards,  over 
the  bullet-swept  battle-field.  Then  he  looked  at  Ducat, 
who  had  seen  every  one  of  the  orderlies  fall  lifeless,  or 
desperately  wounded.  Without  a  word,  Ducat  plunged  into 
the  fire,  and,  wonderful  to  tell,  he  ran  the  gantlet  in  safety, 
and  with  his  clothes  torn  by  Minie  balls,  and  his  horse 
reeling  from  a  mortal  wound,  he  got  to  Stanley,  and  saved 
the  regiment. 

On  the  following  morning,  I  strolled  out  after  breakfast 
to  get  a  view  of  Murfreesborough,  and  was  returning  to 
headquarters,  about  eleven  o'clock,  when  I  was  met  by  a 
young  gentleman  of  Rosecrans's  staff,  who  said :  "  I  have 
been  looking  for  you  everywhere,  sir.  The  general  wants 
me  to  tell  you  that  General  Garfield  is  holding  a  camp 
meeting  in  his  room,  and  about  all  the  division  and  brigade 
commanders  are  there — he  thinks  you'd  like  to  meet  them." 

I  knew  that  Garfield  had  written  those  gentlemen  the 
day  before,  asking  their  opinions  as  to  the  advisability  of  a 
forward  movement  of  the  army  which  had  been  recently 
ordered  by  Secretary  Stanton  ;  but  I  supposed  their  answers 
were  to  be  given  in  writing,  and  not  personally.  However, 
I  hurried  to  the  meeting,  where  I  found  every  chair  and 
stool  in  the  room  and  a  low  camp  cot  in  the  corner  filled 
with  sitters,  —  and  "  sitters  "  who  would  have  graced  any 
portrait  gallery  in  the  country.  Garfield  sat  at  the  end  of 
the  apartment,  and  was  speaking  when  I  entered,  but  he 
paused,  and,  beckoning  me  to  an  unopened  camp  stool  by  his 
side,  said  :  "  Gentlemen  of  the  jury,  let  me  remind  you  that 


126  PERSONAL  EECOLLECTIONS. 

"  <  A  chiel's  amang  you  taking  notes, 
And,  faith,  he'll  prent  'em.' 

"  I  beg  to  make  you  acquainted  with  Mr.  Gilmore,  of  the 
New  York  Tribune,  and  allow  me  to  suggest  that  if  you 
don't  behave  yourselves  you  may  have  your  portraits 
drawn  in  decidedly  ragged  regimentals." 

" I  don't  believe  it,"  said  a  voice  behind  me ;  "I 'd  trust 
any  man  of  that  name  to  write  my  biography.  I  knew 
Quincy  Gillmore  at  West  Point,  and  there's  not  a  better 
fellow  living.  I  say,  Mr.  Gilmore,  why  do  you  write  under 
an  assumed  name  ?  Your  own  is  not  to  be  ashamed  of." 

The  speaker  was  a  very  tall,  slim  man  of  about  thirty- 
five,  with  long,  dark  hair,  and  flowing  beard,  who  sat 
canted  back  in  a  chair,  with  his  long  legs  perched  on  the 
window-sill.  A  glance  satisfied  me  that  he  was  General 
Stanley,  the  chief  of  Rosecrans's  cavalry.  I  answered, 
"For  the  same  reason  that  you  prefer  to  fight  behind  a 
stone  wall." 

"  But  he  never  fights  in  that  way  ;  he  never  was  behind 
a  stone  wall  in  his  life.  His  long  legs  could  straddle  any 
wall  ever  built.  Why,  sir,  if  you  had  seen  him  at  Stone 
River,  standing  erect  in  his  stirrups  in  the  hottest  fire, 
you'd  have  taken  him  for  Trinity  Church  steeple,  belching 
hot  smoke  and  blue  blazes." 

This  was  said  by  a  seamed  veteran  on  my  right,  with  a 
long  white  beard,  and  two  thin  tufts  of  gray  hair  on  either 
side  of  his  head.  With  his  bent  form  and  spectacled  nose, 
he  seemed  more  like  some  country  doctor  than  a  renowned 
soldier,  —  the  hero  of  I  don't  know  how  many  battles.  It 
was  General  Van  Cleve,  who  had  been  dangerously  wounded 
at  Stone  River.  He  was  the  oldest  man  in  the  room. 

"  Come,  come,  my  ancient  friend,"  said  Stanley,  "  don't 
be  poking  fun  at  my  legs.  If  they  had  been  yours  in  that 


WITH  "OLD  KOSEY."  127 

fight,  you  might  have  run  away  and  so  escaped  those  half- 
dozen  bullets." 

"  Silence  in  the  meeting ! "  now  roared  a  voice  from  the 
other  end  of  the  room.  "The  sensible  people  here  want 
Garfield's  exposition  of  the  first  chapter  of  Genesis,  or  his 
*  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,'  —  we  don't  care 
which." 

In  a  few  moments  Garfield  resumed  some  remarks  he 
had  been  making  on  the  character  of  the  Southern  Con- 
federacy, which  he  compared  to  the  conspiracy  of  Catiline, 
it  having,  he  said,  a  like  origin  and  objects,  and  the  most 
of  its  leaders  being  a  set  of  bankrupt  scoundrels.  I  attrib- 
uted his  remarks  to  his  ignorance  of  the  South,  and  gave 
my  attention  to  a  study  of  his  auditory.  They  numbered 
twenty-five  or  thirty,  and  every  one  was  of  marked  character, 
more  or  less  famous,  and  some  were  to  become  decidedly 
eminent. 

From  time  to  time  Garfield  told  me  who  they  were.  The 
stout,  full-faced,  blond-complexioned  man  leaning  against 
the  wall  by  the  window  was  the  "  old  Russian,"  General 
Turchin ;  the  handsome  officer  seated  next  to  him,  with 
wavy  brown  hair,  and  face  so  much  like  James  Russell 
Lowell's,  was  St.  Clair  Morton,  chief  of  the  engineers,  who 
might  have  been  a  poet,  and  was  a  hero.  Leaning  against 
the  wall,  at  his  back,  the  dark  man  with  keen,  intense  eyes, 
heavy  black  beard,  and  coarse,  wiry  hair  starting  up  into  a 
sort  of  pyramid  on  the  top  of  his  head,  was  Jeff  C.  Davis, 
who  killed  General  Nelson,  and  did  such  great  service 
at  Stone  River.  The  plain,  farmer-like,  plucky-looking 
man  on  my  right  was  General  Palmer,  subsequently  com- 
mander of  the  Fourteenth  Corps,  Governor  of  Illinois,  and 
United  States  Senator.  The  tall  man  next  to  him,  in  rusty 
uniform  and  top-boots,  with  a  full,  clear  eye  and  an  expres- 


128  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

sive  face,  was  General  Negley,  and  in  other  parts  of  the 
room  were  General  Lytle,  who  wrote  "  I  am  Dying,  Egypt, 
Dying,"  and  was  killed  at  Chickamauga,  and  Generals 
Hazen,  Reynolds,  King,  Wood,  and  Colonels  McKibben 
and  Dan  McCook.  Altogether  it  was  a  gathering  of  men 
worth  going  a  thousand  miles  to  meet. 

At  the  close  of  Garfield's  remarks  a  singularly  quiet, 
unassuming  man  of  about  thirty  years  entered  the  room 
and  took  a  seat  on  the  window-sill  by  the  side  of  Stanley. 
He  wore  plain  trousers,  a  loose  sack  coat,  and  everyday 
boots,  and  was  below  the  medium  height,  compactly  built, 
with  closely  cut  hair  and  beard,  and  a  dark,  sun-browned 
face.  There  was  nothing  about  him  to  attract  attention 
except  his  eye,  but  that  seemed  a  ball  of  black  flame. 
"  How  are  you,  Phil  ?  "  "  Good  morning,  Sheridan ! " 
greeted  him  from  various  parts  of  the  room,  and  Garfield, 
turning  to  me,  said :  "  Mr.  Gilmore,  this  is  General 
Sheridan." 

"  Do  you  remember,  sir,  Pope's  thirty  thousand  muskets, 
and  ten  thousand  prisoners  ?  "  asked  a  young  officer  near  me. 

"  Yes,  very  well,"  I  replied. 

"  Well,  I  took  the  muskets,  and  Sheridan  took  the  men. 
How  many  men  were  there,  Sheridan  ?  " 

"  I  don't  remember,"  answered  the  quiet  general. 

"Well,  I  remember  the  muskets.  They  counted  nine 
hundred  and  thirty,  —  not  one  more  or  less." 

"  I  was  with  Pope  at  the  second  battle  of  Booneville," 
said  another  general,  "  when  Sheridan  rode  up  to  him,  and 
reported  sixty-five  prisoners." 

"'Why  don't  you  say  five  hundred?'  asked  Pope. 
*  There  ought  to  be  five  hundred,  —  call  them  five  hun- 
dred, anyway;'  and  five  hundred  they  were,  but  not  in 
Sheridan's  report." 


WITH  "OLD  ROSEY."  129 

A  laugh  followed;  but  the  quiet  general  said  nothing, 
and,  in  all  I  saw  of  him  afterwards,  I  never  heard  him 
speak  disparagingly  of  any  one. 

"  As  we  are  indulging  in  personalities,"  said  Garfield, 
"let  me  ask  if  you  have  heard  what  Sheridan  said  when 
the  general  rode  up  to  the  wreck  of  his  division,  which,  at 
the  cost  of  1,600  men,  had  held  two-thirds  of  Bragg's 
army  in  check,  after  the  rout  of  McCook,  and  long  enough 
for  Rosecrans  to  form  a  new  line  in  face  of  the  enemy. 
'  General,'  he  said,  pointing  to  the  part  of  his  division  that 
was  still  fit  for  duty,  '  general,  here  are  all  I  have  left.' " 

"  The  general  said  to  me,  only  last  night,"  I  remarked, 
"  that  if  General  Sheridan  lived,  and  had  a  chance,  he 
would  occupy  a  large  space  in  our  military  history." 

"  Did  the  general  say  that  ?  "  asked  Sheridan. 

"  He  did,  sir,"  I  replied.    "  He  said  it  to  me  personally." 

"  It  gratifies  me  exceedingly,"  he  remarked.  "  I  think  a 
good  deal  of  his  opinion.  He  is  one  of  the  ablest  generals 
and  bravest  men  I  have  ever  known.  In  battle  I  am  apt 
to  get  a  little  excited,  but  he  is  as  serene  and  calm  as  a 
June  morning.  A  little  incident  will  illustrate  this.  I 
didn't  see  it  myself,  but  I  have  it  from  one  who  did  see  it. 
The  general  has  a  distressing  faculty  for  getting  into  the 
hottest  places,  and  in  the  first  day's  fight  at  Stone  River, 
after  Garesche's  head  had  been  shot  off  by  his  side,  and 
several  other  casualties  had  occurred  among  his  staff,  one 
of  his  aides  —  I  think  it  was  Major  Bond  —  rode  up  to 
him,  and  said,  '  Do  you  think  it  right  to  expose  your  life 
so,  sir  ? '  His  only  reply  was  to  dash  into  a  hotter  place,  to 
correct  an  alignment  and  regulate  a  battery  that  was  firing 
somewhat  recklessly.  He  was  suddenly  checked  by  a  regi- 
ment lying  across  the  field,  the  men  with  blood  in  their 
eyes.  They  were  firing  at  the  men  who  were  working 


130  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

several  rebel  batteries  that  were  flinging  shot  and  shell  all 
around  them.  The  general  thought  this  a  good  time  ta 
make  a  speech.  He  is  not  a  finished  orator,  but  he  can 
jerk  out  sentences  that  can't  be  misunderstood.  '  Men,'  he 
said,  *  would  you  know  how  to  be  safe?  Then  shoot  low, — 
aim  at  their  shins.  But  I'll  tell  you  how  to  be  safest  of 
all.  Give  them  a  blizzard  now  at  short  range,  right  at 
their  shins,  and  follow  it  up  with  the  bayonet.  Give  them 
the  bayonet,  I  say. ' ' 

"That  killing  of  Garesche  was  a  horrible  thing,"  said 
Garfield.  "  Major  Bond,  who  rode  by  his  side,  and  directly 
in  the  rear  of  Rosecrans,  says  that  his  headless  body  sat 
upright  in  the  saddle  for  some  twenty  paces  after  it  was 
decapitated,  when,  with  a  sudden  movement  of  the  horse, 
it  rolled  to  the  ground.  The  general  was  greatly  attached 
to  Garesche,  —  they  were  fellow  Catholics,  and  much  to- 
gether,—  and  the  major  was  reluctant  to  tell  him  of  his 
death ;  but  he  did  ride  up  to  him,  and  say  only, '  Garesche 
is  dead.'  <  I  am  very  sorry,'  was  the  sole  response,  *  but  we 
cannot  help  it.'  Soon  afterwards  an  officer  came  to  the 
general  with  the  erroneous  report  that  McCook  was  killed. 
'  We  cannot  help  it,'  was  his  cool  reply.  '  This  battle  must 
be  won.' ' 

"  Those  last  words  of  his,"  I  remarked,  "  reveal  the 
secret  of  his  wonderful  coolness.  I  asked  him  yesterday 
what  his  sensations  were,  while  so  constantly  under  fire 
during  those  two  terrible  days,  and  he  answered, '  I  had  no 
sensations  ;  I  was  absorbed  in  planning  how  to  beat  them/ 
The  fact  is,  gentlemen,  your  general  is  a  natural -born  hero. 
I  have  studied  him  closely,  and  I  conclude  that  while  he 
has  the  strongest  personal  attachments,  he  is,  above  all 
things,  attached  to  his  duty.  He  regards  his  life  as  not 
his  own,  but  the  property  of  the  country." 


WITH  "OLD  ROSEY."  131 

"No  doubt  that's  so,"  said  Stanley,  "  and  his  coolness  is 
catching.  Every  member  of  his  staff  has  the  same  impas- 
sible courage.  Not  one  of  them  at  Stone  River  so  much  as 
flinched  when  he  led  them  right  into  a  fiery  furnace.  You 
have  met  that  youngster  of  his  staff,  —  a  boy  of  only 
eighteen,  —  little  Willie  Porter.  His  business  in  the  first 
day's  fight  was  to  carry  the  general's  dinner,  and,  before 
he  mounted  in  the  morning,  he  filled  the  general's  haver- 
sack with  luncheon,  and  slung  it  over  his  shoulder.  After 
Garesche's  death,  a  shell  exploded  in  the  midst  of  the  staff, 
and  a  fragment  struck  between  Willie's  side  and  the  haver- 
sack, bruising  him  severely,  and  tearing  open  the  haversack. 
The  luncheon  tumbled  to  the  ground,  and,  regarding  it  with 
a  droll  grimace,  the  boy  exclaimed,  *  There  I  the  general's 
dinner  is  all  gone  ! ' ' 

At  this  moment  a  tall  man  in  a  rusty  uniform  entered 
the  room  and  looked  around  for  a  vacant  chair  or  camp 
stool.  None  being  visible,  he  said  to  Garfield,  "  I  say, 
general,  is  this  the  way  you  receive  your  visitors,  —  giv- 
ing them  only  the  floor  to  sit  on  ?  " 

"  The  fact  is,  colonel,  we  are  a  little  crowded,"  said 
Garfield,  "  for  the  general  is  closeted  with  the  corps  com- 
manders. But  we'll  find  a  seat  for  you  on  one  condition." 

"Name  the  condition;  I'll  agree  to  anything  if  you'll 
give  rest  to  the  weary  sole  of  my  foot." 

"  We  only  ask  you  to  sit  in  the  middle  of  the  room  and 
give  us  some  of  your  army  experiences.  You've  been  in 
forty  battles  and  killed  in  every  one  of  them." 

"That's  so,"  said  the  colonel.  "I've  had  a  surfeit  of 
blood  and  glory ;  but  nothing  to  compare  with  the  experi- 
ences of  the  bright  galaxy  of  shoulder-straps  that  is  here 
assembled.  Napoleon  said  that  at  the  end  of  ten  centuries 
he  wouldn't  have  more  than  a  single  page  of  general  his- 


132  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

tory,  but  I  see  gentlemen  here  that  will  have  ten  pages, 
and  I  think  I  should  be  within  the  truth  if  I  said  that  some 
of  them  will  have  a  hundred.  I  naturally  shall  be  diffi- 
dent in  addressing  so  brilliant  an  assemblage,  but  if  you'll 
give  me  a  chair  I'll  try  it  on,  regardless  of  consequences." 

"  Come,  come !  "  cried  Sheridan, "  stop  your  nonsense  and 
begin.  I  haven't  heard  a  good  story  since  you  told  how 
Private  Smapes  winged  the  Confederate  picket." 

"  What !  Are  you  there,  my  little  Phil  ?  My  steam-engine 
in  breeches !  But  where  are  you  ?  Let  me  behold  the  efful- 
gence of  your  countenance." 

"I'm  here,"  said  Sheridan,  "hidden  behind  this  big 
buckeye  warrior,  whose  legs  fill  the  entire  window." 

"  Ah,  I  see ! "  rejoined  the  colonel,  "  the  man  with  the 
seven-league  boots.  But  here  comes  my  chair,  —  upon  my 
word,  I  believe  it's  the  general's.  I  say,  Mr.  Orderly, 
where  did  you  get  this  ?  " 

"From  the  general,  sir,"  was  the  answer.  "Every 
other  one  has  been  brought  in  here." 

As  the  colonel  took  his  seat,  Garfield  said  to  me :  "  He's 
in  the  mood,  and  we  shall  hear  something  rich.  He  is  a 
capital  mimic,  and  the  best  actor  and  story-teller  in  the 
army." 

The  colonel  now  leaned  back  in  his  seat,  stretched  his 
long  legs  before  him,  and,  gazing  complacently  around  on 
his  auditory,  said  :  "  Friends,  countrymen,  and  lovers,  favor 
me  with  your  attention.  When  I  had  finished  recruiting 
for  my  last  regiment,  I  took  my  men  to  Camp  Curtin  to 
give  the  green  ones  a  little  drill  preparatory  to  my  bringing 
them  out  here  and  feeding  them  to  the  Confederate  bat- 
teries. The  camp  was  crowded  with  recruits,  the  most  of 
them  fresh  from  the  country,  their  pockets  full  of  money, 
and  their  hearts  longing  to  see  the  world,  and  eager  for 


WITH  "OLD  ROSEY."  133 

-what  are  styled  'war  experiences.'  Going  in  and  out 
among  them  was  one  of  those  peripatetic  nuisances  who 
vend  razor-strops  and  patent  medicines,  and  he  was  intent 
upon  victimizing  the  verdant  young  soldiers.  He  was  a 
hatchet-faced  fellow,  with  an  enormous  nose,  and  a  ward- 
robe gotten  up  regardless  of  expense  in  the  extreme  of 
fashion.  He  was  an  oddity  to  look  at,  largely  on  account 
of  his  proboscis,  which  one  of  my  men  said  was  of  the 
shovel-plough  variety. 

"  For  several  days  in  succession  he  was  located  in  a  cor- 
ner of  the  camp,  where  he  did  a  thriving  trade,  but  his 
business  there  falling  off,  he  removed  to  where  my  regi- 
ment was  quartered.  I  found  him  there  one  sunshiny 
August  morning,  with  his  hand-trunk  perched  on  a  box  he 
had  borrowed  from  the  commissary,  and  another  box  near 
by  from  which  he  intended  to  address  his  auditory.  Soon 
a  crowd  gathered  around  him,  prepared  to  listen  to  his 
songs,  laugh  at  his  jokes,  and  waste  their  small  currency 
upon  the  worthless  trash  in  his  hand-trunk." 

Now  the  colonel  assumed  an  attitude,  while  his  voice 
and  manner  suddenly  changed  and  became  indescribably 
comic.  He  acted  the  peddler  to  absolute  perfection. 
"  Fellow  soldiers !  "  he  cried,  in  a  nasal  twang  that  was  not 
unmusical,  "  yeou,  I  mean,  who  air  about  to  go  forth  to 
slay  the  inimy  as  the  angel  did  the  hosts  of  Sennacherib,  I 
hev  a  few  words  tu  say  tu  yeou.  I  see  it  in  yeour  honest 
faces  that  yeou  air  prepared  tu  peel  the  Secesh  rats  wher- 
ever and  whenever  yeou  come  on  ter  'em."  (Laughter 
from  the  assembled  officers.)  "  There  is  not  won  of  yeou, 
I  kneow,  but  will  face  the  meusic. 

"  Yeou  hev  a  high  and  holy  duty  tu  perform,  and  yeou'll 
do  it  slick  as  ile,  or  I'm  no  jidge  of  human  natur."  (Great 
laughter.)  "  When  yeou  return  home,  as  most  on  yeou,  I 


134  PERSONAL  EECOLLECTIONS. 

hope,  will,  yeour  brows  will  be  beound  with  victorious 
wreaths,  and  the  hills  and  valleys  of  the  old  Keystone  State 
will  echo  and  reecho  with  songs  of  welcome,  and  fair 
liands  will  spread  yeou  repasts  tu  which  milk  and  honey  is 
nowhere,  —  nuther  is  army  rayshuns  a  showin',  by  a  long 
chalk  !  "  (Renewed  laughter  and  applause.)  "  Sheould  yeou 
fall  on  the  field  of  battle,  yeou  will  fall  in  a  glorious  cause, 
•and  yeour  widows  and  orphans  and  sweethearts  will  be  en- 
titled tu  a  pension,  —  and  they'll  get  it,  fur  this  Republican 
party  is  a-goin'  tu  holt  the  reins  till  Gabriel's  trump  calls 
it  tu  gloary."  (Uproarious  applause,  mingled  with  a  few 
«  Not  by  a  d d  sights ! ") 

When  the  noise  had  somewhat  subsided,  the  colonel 
went  on,  unmoved  by  the  applause,  and  with  a  face  as 
grave  as  a  funeral  procession.  "  My  friends  and  fellow 
citizens,"  he  said,  "  the  life  of  a  soldier  is  a  hard  one ;  all 
on  yeou  will  find  that  eout  afore  yeou're  much  older.  It's 
hard  lodgin's,  hardtack,  and  hard  fare  ginerally,  with  a 
great  lack  of  cretur  comforts.  But  these  things  must  be 
endured,  if  we're  goin'  tu  save  eour  kedentry,  and  ef  it 
hain't  wuth  fightin'  fur,  it  hain't  wuth  a  continental  dime, 
nohow." 

The  colonel's  manner  then  changing  entirely,  he  added : 
"The  peddler  then  stooped  down,  opened  his  hand-trunk, 
and  drew  from  it  a  small  gallipot  and  a  vial  of  a  reddish 
fluid.  Holding  them  up,  one  in  each  hand,  he  resumed  his 
speech.  *  But  yeou  see,  my  friends,  there  air  men  hi  the 
world  who  think  of  the  pore  soldier,  'way  off  there  on  the 
gory  battle-fields,  and  if  Professor  Girard,  of  the  anshunt 
'Niversarsity  of  Pennsylvany,  ain't  one  of  'em,  I  wouldn't 
tell  yeou  so.  He  is  the  inventor  of  the  great  intment  that 
is  warranted  ter  cure  cuts,  bruises,  burns,  scalds,  wounds, 
and  corns,  and  is  called  the  great  Military  Intment.  Also 


WITH  "OLD  EOSEY."  135 

the  great  remedy  for  rheumatics,  neuralgar,  teuthache, 
etcetary,  called  the  Balm  of  Gilead.  Yeou've  heard  of  it. 
The  anshunt  poet  speaks  of  it.  He  asks,  "  Is  there  no 
balm  in  Gilead  ?  is  there  no  'pothecary  there  ? "  This  is 
that  balm,  feller  citizens,  told  of  three  thousand  years  ago, 
and  come  to  light  in  these  latter  days  for  the  relief  of  our 
sick  and  sufferin'  soldiers.  This  is  the  genuine  article, — 
yeou  hev  my  word  fur  it,  and  it's  a  fact,  by  ginger !  The 
medicins  air  wuth  their  weight  in  gold,  —  when  it's  not  at 
tu  high  a  premium;  but  I  sell  'em  cheap,  —  twenty-five 
cents  a  box  for  the  balm,  and  a  quarter  of  a  dollar  for  the 
intment.  So  walk  up,  gentlemen ;  buy  one  of  each  and  I'll 
change  a  dollar  bill,  —  I  knowd  specie  change  was  scase 
with  yeou,  so  I've  brought  the  silver  along,  —  or  you  kin 
take  five  for  a  dollar,  and  I'll  change  yeou  a  five-dollar  bill.' 

"The  crowd  by  this  time  had  grown  to  two  or  three 
thousand,  and  it  included  members  from  every  regiment  in 
the  camp,  but  my  men  composed  the  circle  directly  around 
the  peddler.  '  Look  here,'  said  one  of  them,  '  if  your  medi- 
cines are  what  you  say  they  are,  just  let  me  have  three  of 
the  ointment  and  two  of  the  balm.' 

"  '  Bully  for  you,  —  warrant  'em,  or  the  money  returned. 
Here  you  air,  —  cash  down.' 

"The  articles  were  passed  over  and  a  five-dollar  bill 
tendered.  '  Pennsylvany  money,  eh  ! '  exclaimed  the  ped- 
dler. '  Redback,  good  as  wheat.  Here's  your  change ; 
and  who  is  the  next  customer  ? '  No  one  replying  at  once, 
he  opened  his  batteries  again.  *  Layin'  on  the  damp  ground 
brings  rheumatics ; '  and  then  another  soldier  came  forward, 
took  the  balm  and  ointment,  and  tendered  another  five- 
dollar  bill.  As  he  gave  the  change,  the  peddler  held  up  the 
bill,  saying  :  <  On  the  same  bank,  eh  ?  Wall,  I  just  declare  ; 
if  I  was  in  the  saltin'-deown  line  I'd  as  soon  pickle  this 


136  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

stuff  as  gold  itself.'  As  he  thrust  the  bill  into  his  side 
pocket,  he  gleefully  exclaimed  :  l  Sold  ag'in  and  got  the  tin, 
—  and  who  is  the  next  customer  ?  Boys,  remember,  gov'- 
ment  shoes  air  made  of  hard  leather,  and  walkin'  must 
bring  corns  ter  feet  not  used  ter  'em.' 

"  Then  another  recruit  stepped  up,  bought  the  wares,  and 
took  the  change,  the  peddler  once  more  exclaiming,  <  Sold 
ag'in  and  got  the  tin.'  He  was  followed  with  a  perfect 
rush,  until  the  peddler's  stock  of  silver  was  exhausted,  and 
still  his  buyers  showed  no  disposition  to  cease  purchasing. 
'  By  golly,  gentlemen,'  he  said,  *  I  must  gin  in  till  after 
dinner,  when  I'll  be  on  hand  ag'in,  and  supply  you  all,  or 
bust  in  tryin'.'  With  this  he  jumped  into  a  hack,  and 
asked  the  driver,  as  a  special  favor,  to  '  let  'em  rip.' 

"  He  drove  direct  to  the  Bank  of  Harrisburg,  where  the 
cashier  reported  that  he  threw  upon  the  counter  a  handful 
of  five-dollar  bills,  and  asked  for  smaller  bills  or  specie  at 
the  current  premium  of  ten  per  cent. 

" '  Central  Bank  of  Pennsylvania,  at  Hollidaysburg !  * 
exclaimed  the  cashier.  'Why,  sir,  that  bank  exploded  four 
years  ago,  and  never  was  of  much  account.' 

" l  Du  tell ! '  cried  the  peddler,  gazing  upon  the  notes 
spread  before  him.  *  Du  tell ! '  Then,  grasping  the  bills, 
he  rushed  from  the  bank,  exclaiming, '  Sold  ag'in  and  got 
the  tin.' 

"  He  must  have  realized  the  impossibility  of  recognizing 
his  victimizers  from  among  several  thousand  men,  all  clad 
alike,  for  he  was  not  again  seen  in  Camp  Curtin." 

Soon  afterwards  the  three  corps  commanders  emerged 
from  the  inner  apartment,  and  the  colonel's  auditory  scat- 
tered, the  larger  number  into  the  general's  room,  the 
others,  including  the  story-telling  colonel  and  myself,  to 
the  quarters  of  General  Garfield  for  dinner. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

ROSECRANS   DECLINES   THE   PRESIDENTIAL  NOMINATION. 

DURING  the  fortnight  that  I  was  with  him,  General  Rose- 
crans  placed  at  my  disposal  one  of  his  three  horses,  —  the 
big  gray  that  he  rode  through  his  campaign  in  West 
Virginia,  —  and  he  gave  me  a  suitable  escort  whenever  I 
desired  to  ride  outside  of  the  Union  lines.  Except  on  one 
occasion,  he  never  went  himself  to  the  front  without  ask- 
ing me  to  go  along  with  him.  What  occurred  on  that  one 
occasion  I  will  here  relate,  as  it  has  a  bearing  on  the  sub- 
sequent portion  of  this  narrative. 

One  morning,  as  we  sat  at  breakfast  together,  Rosecrans 
handed  me  a  letter  he  had  that  moment  received,  saying, 
"  Here  is  an  application  from  one  of  my  officers  for  a  fur- 
lough. It  explains  itself.  I  have  to  be  at  the  front  all 
day,  and  I  wish  you  would  stay  and  see  him.  If  you  think 
well  of  it,  I  will  telegraph  the  Department  for  the  furlough. 
The  colonel  was  a  prominent  member  of  the  Western 
Methodist  Church,  and,  though  a  clergyman,  is  one  of 
my  best  and  bravest  officers.  You  will  be  glad  of  his  ac- 
quaintance." 

I  cheerfully  assented,  and  an  orderly  was  at  once  des- 
patched to  his  camp  for  the  colonel.  Breakfast  over,  I 
read  the  application.  It  is  too  lengthy  for  full  quotation 
here,  but  its  essential  part  is  in  the  following  paragraph : 

137 


138  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

A  considerable  part  of  the  territory  occupied  by  the  Methodist 
Episcopal  Church,  South,  is  now  in  possession  of  our  armies.  This 
has  brought  a  large  number  of  that  communion  within  our  lines.  .  .  . 
From  these  persons  I  have  learned  personally  the  following  facts, 
viz. :  That  they  consider  the  rebellion  has  destroyed  the  Methodist 
Church,  South ;  that  it  has  virtually  abolished  slavery ;  that  they 
are  sincerely  desirous  of  returning  to  the  "  Old  Church,"  and  that 
their  brethren  within  the  rebel  lines  are  most  heartily  tired  of  the 
rebellion,  and  most  ardently  desire  peace,  and  the  privilege  of 
returning  to  their  allegiance  to  Church  and  State,  and  will  do  so 
whenever  they  are  assured  of  amnesty  for  the  past.  .  .  .  From  these 
considerations  ...  I  would  submit  to  the  proper  authorities  the 
following  proposition,  viz. :  To  go  into  the  Southern  Confederacy,  and 
return  within  ninety  days  with  proposal  of  peace  that  will  be  acceptable  to 
our  Government. 

About  an  hour  after  the  departure  of  the  orderly,  an 
erect,  spare  man,  in  the  undress  uniform  of  a  colonel  of 
infantry,  entered  the  inner  room  at  the  general's  quarters, 
where  I  was  seated.  He  seemed  somewhat  more  than 
forty,  and  was  a  little  above  the  medium  height,  with 
gray  hair  and  beard,  a  high,  open  forehead,  and  a  thin, 
marked  face,  expressing  great  earnestness,  strength, 
and  benignity  of  character.  He  came  directly  up  to 
me  and,  bowing  rather  stiffly,  said,  "Is  this  Mr. 
Kirke?" 

I  answered,  "  That  is  the  name  I  sometimes  go  by.  You 
are  Colonel  Jaquess.  I  am  very  glad  to  meet  you,"  and  I 
took  his  hand  cordially.  After  some  unimportant  remarks, 
he  said,  "The  general  has  sent  me  word  that  he  has 
referred  my  application  to  you." 

"  He  has  asked  me  to  hear  what  you  have  to  say,"  I 
replied,  "  and  you  know  he  is  very  busy." 

He  then  made  an  extended  explanation  of  his  hopes  and 
purposes,  ending  with,  "  I  want  to  go  to  them,  —  to  offer 


ROSECBANS  DECLINES  THE  NOMINATION.       139 

them  the  olive  branch,  —  to  tell  them,  in  the  name  of  God 
and  the  country,  that  they  will  be  welcome  back." 

To  this  I  answered,  "  The  Methodist  element,  colonel,  is, 
I  know,  strong  in  the  South  ;  but  I  fear  the  peace  part  of 
it  is  not  strong  enough  to  control  the  politicians.  They,  if 
I  know  them,  care  little  about  church  or  country.  They 
have  other  views  than  submission.  They  mean  to  establish 
an  independent  government  at  all  hazards." 

He  replied, "  I  don't  know  what  their  views  are.  It  is  not 
my  business  to  ask.  I  feel  that  God  has  laid  upon  me  the 
duty  to  go  to  them,  and  go  I  must,  unless  my  superiors 
forbid  it." 

"  But  how  will  you  go  ?  "  I  asked.  "  The  Government,  I 
feel  sure,  will  give  you  neither  authority  nor  protection. 
How,  then,  will  you  go  ?  " 

"  Openly,  in  my  uniform,  as  the  messenger  of  God." 

"  I  fear  that  the  rebels,  like  the  people  of  old,  will  fail  to 
recognize  the  Lord's  messenger.  They  will  shoot  or  hang 
you  as  a  spy." 

"  It  is  not  for  me  to  ask  what  they  will  do  ;  I  have  only 
to  go."  This  was  said  with  a  simple  earnestness  that 
showed  the  faith  which  casteth  out  fear. 

I  answered,  "  Well,  I'll  report  what  you  say  to  the  gen- 
eral ;  but  I  must  be  frank  with  you.  If  he  asks  my  opinion, 
I  shall  advise  him  not  to  apply  for  the  furlough.  I  have 
heard  of  you,  and  your  life,  in  my  judgment,  is  altogether 
too  valuable  to  be  wasted  on  such  an  embassy." 

"  That  is  not  for  you  to  judge,"  he  said,  coolly.  "  But  I 
want  more  than  a  furlough  ;  I  want  an  interview  with  Mr. 
Lincoln  to  learn  the  terms  on  which  he  will  give  amnesty 
to  the  rebels.  Will  you  say  this  to  the  general?" 

"  Yes ;  and,  as  I  have  told  you,  will  advise  him  to  do 
nothing  about  it." 


140  PEE  SON  AL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

I  kept  my  word  with  him,  —  that  is,  I  reported  the  inter- 
view to  General  Rosecrans,  and  recommended  that  he 
should  do  nothing  about  it. 

"  Why  not  ?  "  asked  the  general. 

"  Because  he  could  accomplish  nothing,  and  might  throw 
his  life  away." 

"  I  know,"  he  answered,  "  if  he  talks  peace  to  the  people 
the  leaders  will  hang  him ;  but  he'll  not  do  that.  He'll  go 
to  the  leaders  themselves.  The  terms  he  will  offer  may 
not  be  accepted,  but  it  will  strengthen  our  moral  position 
to  offer  them.  It  will  show  the  world  that  we  do  not 
seek  to  subjugate  the  South.  As  to  his  life,  —  he  takes 
the  right  view  about  that.  He  considers  it  already  given 
to  the  country.  If  you  had  seen  him  at  Stone  River  you 
would  think  so." 

That  evening  the  general  sent  a  telegram  to  Washing- 
ton, stating  the  colonel's  objects,  and  asking  for  him  a  four 
months'  furlough,  and  an  interview  with  the  President. 
Answer  came  in  the  morning,  declining  the  requests,  but 
asking  a  fuller  explanation  of  Colonel  Jaquess's  purposes 
by  mail.  The  message  was  sent  out  to  the  colonel,  and  in 
a  few  hours  he  appeared  at  headquarters.  I  happened  to 
be  with  the  general  at  the  time.  He  was  as  busy  as  usual, 
but,  as  Jaquess  came  in,  he  looked  up,  and  said,  "Well, 
colonel,  you've  got  your  sentence." 

"  I  don't  think  so,  general,"  answered  the  colonel,  "  I 
never  give  up  with  one  trial." 

"  That's  right ;  but  what's  to  be  done  now  ?  " 

"  Try  again,"  said  the  colonel.  "  Mr.  Kirke  must  go  to 
Washington.  I've  known  Mr.  Lincoln  for  years;  but  I 
might  write  him  forty  letters,  and  accomplish  nothing.  Writ- 
ing won't  do  it.  Mr.  Kirke  must  go  to  him."  This  waa 
spoken  with  such  inimitable  coolness  that  I  burst  into  a  laugh. 


BOSECBANS  DECLINES   THE  NOMINATION.       141 

"  Yes,"  said  the  general,  with  his  peculiar  smile,  "  that 
is  it.  You  must  go.  You've  been  besieging  me  for  a  pass 
for  a  week ;  now,  I'll  give  you  one  if  you'll  take  Washing- 
ton on  your  way  home.  I've  some  other  business,  you 
know,  that  I  want  attended  to,  and  you  will  do  it,  —  to 
oblige  me." 

"Well,  to  oblige  you,  I  will;  but  allow  me  to  suggest 
that  you  write  Mr.  Lincoln  about  the  colonel's  project. 
One  word  from  you  would  be  more  effective  than  all  I 
might  say,  even  if  I  believed  in  it." 

He  turned  about  to  his  desk,  and  wrote  a  letter  at  once, 
of  which  the  following  is  a  copy : 

HEADQUARTERS  DEPARTMENT  OF  THE  CUMBERLAND. 

MURFREESBOROUGH,  TENN.,  May  21,  1863. 
To  his  Excellency,  the  President  of  the  United  States :  —  The  Rev.  Dr. 
Jaquess,  Colonel  commanding  the  73d  Illinois,  —  a  man  of  charac- 
ter, —  has  submitted  to  me  a  letter  proposing  a  personal  mission  to 
the  South.  After  maturely  weighing  his  plan,  and  considering  well 
his  character,  I  am  decidedly  of  opinion  that  the  public  interests 
will  be  promoted  by  permitting  him  to  go  as  he  proposes. 

I  do  not  anticipate  the  results  that  he  seems  to  expect,  but  I 
"believe  that  a  moral  force  will  be  generated  by  his  mission  that 
will  more  than  compensate  us  for  his  temporary  absence  from  his 
regiment. 

His  letter  is  herein  enclosed,  and  the  bearer  of  this,  Mr.  Gilmore, 
can  fully  explain  Colonel  Jaquess's  plans  and  purposes. 
Very  respectfully, 

W.  S.   ROSECRANS,   Major-General. 

The  "  other  business"  which  General  Rosecrans  desired 
me  to  attend  to  had,  in  part,  relation  to  a  disagreement 
between  himself  and  Secretary  Stanton.  Soon  after  the 
battle  of  Stone  River,  the  Secretary  had  written  the  gen- 
eral a  personal  letter,  saying  that  he  had  made  up  his 
mind  to  offer  a  major-generalship  in  the  regular  army  to 


142  PERSONAL  EECOLLECTIONS. 

the  brigadier  who  first  won  an  important  victory.  The 
letter  aroused  the  general's  intense  indignation.  Major 
Bond,  in  relating  to  me  the  incident,  said,  "  I  never  saw 
him  so  angry  as  when  he  received  that  letter.  With  it  in 
his  hand,  he  cried  out,  'Does  he  seek  to  bribe  me  to  do 
my  duty  ?  Does  he  suppose  I  will  sacrifice  the  lives  of  my 
men  to  serve  my  personal  ambition  ? '  " 

It  seemed  to  Rosecrans  that  Stanton  was  about  to  ad- 
minister the  affairs  of  the  army  on  the  plan  of  a  gift  enter- 
prise, and  Rosecrans,  who  was  frankness  itself,  said  about 
as  much  in  his  response  to  that  letter.  Stanton  was  a  good 
hater.  He  took  mortal  offence  at  the  attitude  of  Rose- 
crans, and  then  began  to  make  a  series  of  demands  upon 
him  that  were  impossible  of  execution ;  his  last  being  a 
peremptory  order  for  a  forward  movement  upon  Chat- 
tanooga. This  order  Rosecrans  had  refused  to  obey, 
on  the  ground  that  it  would  imperil  his  army,  —  a  truth 
demonstrated  four  months  later  by  the  slaughter  at  Chicka- 
mauga,  —  and  now  he  asked  me  to  lay  before  Mr.  Lincoln 
his  reasons  for  disobeying  the  Secretary's  demand.  This 
I  cheerfully  consented  to  do,  for  even  my  unmilitary  eye 
could  perceive  the  extreme  hazard  of  a  forward  move- 
ment. 

Another  "little  matter  of  business"  that  the  general 
desired  me  to  lay  before  the  President,  was  a  projected 
negro  insurrection  to  which  he  had  been  invited  to  give 
his  countenance  and  support.  Early  one  morning,  as  I  sat 
alone  with  him  in  his  private  apartment,  one  of  his  aides 
entered  the  room  and  handed  him  a  letter,  saying  that  the 
bearer  was  waiting  for  an  answer.  Rosecrans  opened  the 
letter,  and  became  at  once  absorbed  in  its  contents.  He 
then  asked  the  aide,  "What  sort  of  a  looking  man  gave 
you  this?" 


ROSECKANS  DECLINES  THE  NOMINATION.       143 

"A  bright-colored  mulatto,  decently  clad,  and,  I  should 
judge,  of  more  than  ordinary  intelligence,"  was  the  answer. 

"  Tell  him  to  wait,"  said  the  general.  He  then  re-read 
the  letter,  and,  handing  it  to  me,  said,  "  Read  that ;  tell 
me  what  you  think  of  it." 

The  outside  of  the  letter  was  worn  and  leather-stained, 
indicating  that  it  had  been  pressed  between  the  outer  and 
inner  soles  of  a  shoe ;  but  the  inside  startled  me.  It  was 
written  in  a  round,  unpractised  hand,  which,  though  badly 
spelled,  showed  that  its  author  was  accustomed  to  the  hear- 
ing of  good  English.  The  date  was  May  18, 1863,  and  it 
began  thus: 

GENERAL  :  —  A  plan  has  been  adopted  for  a  simultaneous  move- 
ment, or  rising,  to  sever  the  rebel  communications  throughout  the 
whole  South,  which  is  now  disclosed  to  some  general  in  each  military 
department  in  the  Secesh  States,  in  order  that  they  may  act  in  con- 
cert, and  thus  ensure  success. 

The  plan  is  for  the  blacks  to  make  a  concerted  and  simultaneous 
rising,  on  the  night  of  the  1st  of  August  next,  over  the  whole  States 
in  rebellion  ;  to  arm  themselves  with  any  and  every  kind  of  weapon 
that  may  come  to  hand,  and  commence  operations  by  burning  all 
railway  and  country  bridges,  tearing  up  all  railroad  tracks,  and  cut- 
ting and  destroying  telegraph  wires ;  and  when  this  is  done,  take  to 
the  woods,  the  swamps,  or  the  mountains,  whence  they  may  emerge, 
as  occasions  may  offer,  for  provisions  or  for  further  depredations. 
No  blood  is  to  be  shed  except  in  self-defence. 

The  corn  will  be  in  roasting  ear  about  the  1st  of  August,  and 
upon  this,  and  by  foraging  on  the  farms  at  night,  we  can  subsist. 
Concerted  movement,  at  the  time  named,  would  be  successful, 
and  the  rebellion  be  brought  suddenly  to  an  end. 

The  letter  went  on  with  some  other  details,  and  ended 
as  follows : 

The  plan  will  be  a  simultaneous  rising  over  the  whole  South, 
and  yet  few  of  all  engaged  will  know  of  its  full  extent.  Please 


144  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

write  "  I "  and  "  Approved,"  and  send  by  the  bearer,  that  we  may 
know  you  are  with  us. 

Be  assured,  general,  that  a  copy  of  this  letter  has  been  sent  to 
every  military  department  in  the  rebel  States,  that  the  time  of  the 
movement  may  be  general  over  the  entire  South. 

As  I  finished  the  letter,  the  General  asked,  "  What  do 
you  think  of  it  ?  " 

I  answered,  "  It  would  end  the  rebellion.  Cooperated 
with  by  our  forces,  it  would  certainly  succeed;  but  the 
South  would  run  with  blood." 

"  Innocent  blood  !     Women  and  children ! " 

"  Yes,  women  and  children.  If  you  let  the  blacks  loose, 
they  will  rush  into  carnage  like  horses  into  a  burning  barn. 
St.  Domingo  would  be  multiplied  by  a  million." 

"  He  says  no  blood  is  to  be  shed  except  in  self-defence." 

"  He  says  so,  and  the  leaders  may  mean  so,  but  they 
could  not  restrain  the  rabble.  Every  slave  has  some  real  or 
fancied  wrong,  and  he  would  take  such  a  time  to  revenge  it." 

"  Well,  I  must  talk  with  Garfield.     Come,  go  with  me." 

We  crossed  the  street  to  General  Gar  field's  lodgings, 
where  he  was  bolstered  up  in  bed,  just  recovering  from  a 
fever.  Rosecrans  sat  down  on  the  foot  of  the  bed  and 
handed  him  the  letter.  Garfield  read  it  over  carefully, 
and  then,  laying  it  down,  said,  "  It  would  never  do,  gen- 
eral. We  don't  want  to  whip  by  such  means." 

"  I  knew  you  would  say  so,"  said  Rosecrans.  "  But  he 
speaks  of  other  department  commanders,  —  may  they  not 
come  into  it  ?  " 

"  Yes,  they  may,  and  that  should  be  looked  to.  Mr.  Gil- 
more  tells  me  that  he  must  soon  go  home.  Send  by  him 
this  letter  to  the  President,  and  let  him  head  off  the  move- 
ment. He  can  do  it  by  restraining  the  department  com- 
manders. Without  their  support  it  will  soon  fall  through." 


ROSECRANS  DECLINES   THE  NOMINATION.       145 

I  had  before  this  become  fully  satisfied  that  Rose- 
tjrans  would  be  a  suitable  candidate  for  the  presidency ;  it 
only  remained  to  ascertain  if  he  would  accept  of  the  nomi- 
nation should  it  be  tendered  to  him.  I  was  awaiting  a 
favorable  occasion  to  approach  him  on  the  subject,  when  I 
was  informed  that  General  Garfield  was  dangerously  ill  at 
his  lodgings.  I  had  missed  him  from  his  desk,  but  had 
been  told  that  he  was  not  seriously  sick,  and  would  be  out 
in  a  few  days;  and  I  went  at  once  to  him.  I  found 
him  in  a  raging  fever,  delirious,  and  attended  only  by  his 
body-servant,  a  West  India  negro.  The  surgeon,  soon  com- 
ing in,  told  me  that  he  hoped  to  "  pull  him  through,"  but  it 
was  all-important  that  he  should  have  his  medicines  regu- 
larly, and  it  was  next  to  impossible  to  get  any  one,  except 
his  body-servant,  who  would  watch  faithfully  with  him  at 
night.  In  these  circumstances  I  volunteered  for  the  duty. 
I  remained  with  him  several  days  and  nights,  —  meanwhile 
meeting  Rosecrans  only  occasionally,  —  and  it  was  not  long 
before  Garfield  passed  the  crisis,  and  could  talk  freely  and 
coherently.  Then  he  told  me  of  his  early  life  and  cam- 
paigns, and  I  told  him  what  had  brought  me  to  Murfrees- 
borough.  He  was  greatly  pleased  ;  said  that  if  the  country 
were  canvassed  from  East  to  West,  so  fit  a  man  could  not 
be  found,  and  advised  my  going  at  once  to  Rosecrans  and 
opening  the  subject  to  him  in  direct  business  fashion.  I 
did  so. 

It  was  near  to  midnight  before  Rosecrans  and  I  were  left 
alone  in  his  private  apartment,  but,  the  moment  the  door 
closed  upon  the  last  visitor,  I  went  into  the  subject  with 
him.  He  heard  me  through  with  evident  surprise  and 
gratification,  and  then  said  : 

"The  good  opinion  of  those  gentlemen  is  exceedingly 
gratifying  to  me,  and  so  is  yours,  and  I  assure  you  that 


146  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

I  have  not  had  the  remotest  suspicion  that  you  were 
here  for  any  such  purpose.  I  have  supposed  you  were 
merely  gathering  literary  material ;  but,  my  good  friend,  it 
cannot  be.  My  place  is  here.  The  country  gave  me  my 
education,  and  so  has  a  right  to  my  military  services  ;  and  it 
educated  me  for  precisely  this  emergency.  So  this,  and 
not  the  presidency,  is  my  post  of  duty,  and  I  cannot,  with- 
out violating  my  conscience,  leave  it.  But  let  me  tell  you, 
and  I  wish  you  would  tell  your  friends  who  are  moving  in 
this  matter,  that  you  are  mistaken  about  Mr.  Lincoln.  He 
is  in  his  right  place.  I  am  in  a  position  to  know,  and  if 
you  live  you  will  see  that  I  am  right  about  him." 

These  were  his  exact  words  as  near  as  I  could  recall 
them  half  an  hour  after  they  were  spoken.  For  more  than 
twenty-five  years  I  refrained  from  making  them  public, 
principally  because  I  soon  saw  that  I  had  erred  about  Mr. 
Lincoln,  and  was  not  anxious  to  trumpet  the  fact  that  I  had 
even  temporarily  been  willing  to  act  in  opposition  to  him. 
However,  the  circumstance  of  my  having  tendered  Rose- 
crans  the  nomination  on  behalf  of  the  Republican  leaders, 
and  Rosecrans  having  declined  it,  got  into  print  some  years 
ago  in  A.  G.  Riddle's  "  Life  of  James  A.  Garfield,"  the  ma- 
terials for  which,  the  author  states,  were  derived  directly 
from  Garfield.  But,  as  is  often  the  case  with  twice-told 
tales,  the  facts  are  there  inaccurately  stated.  The  book 
attributes  the  declination  of  Rosecrans  to  Garfield's  advice, 
whereas  Rosecrans  decided  upon  his  own  judgment,  and 
without  a  moment's  deliberation,  and,  as  I  understood, 
against  the  views  of  Garfield. 

It  was  not  thought  prudent  to  entrust  the  letter  in  re- 
gard to  the  negro  insurrection  to  the  mails,  nor,  with  the 
railway  infested  with  John  Morgan's  men  and  Confederate 
guerillas,  was  it  a  safe  document  to  carry  about  the  person. 


ROSECRANS  DECLINES   THE  NOMINATION.      147 

If  I  should  be  captured  and  searched,  and  that  found  upon 
me,  —  with  no  attending  proof  to  show  the  use  of  it  that 
was  intended,  —  a  short  shrift  and  a  long  rope  would  be 
my  way  to  glory.  So,  ripping  open  the  top  of  my  boot, 
I  tucked  it  snugly  away  in  the  lining,  and  then  having  a 
shoemaker-soldier  nicely  restore  the  broken  stitches,  I  took 
it,  with  the  other  documents  furnished  me  by  General 
Kosecrans,  to  Washington. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

CONFERENCES   WITH   PRESIDENT  LINCOLN. 

I  ARRIVED  in  Washington  from  my  visit  to  Tennessee 
near  the  close  of  May,  1863,  and  I  lost  no  time  in  forward- 
ing by  a  messenger,  to  the  White  House,  the  papers  which 
were  intended  for  the  personal  inspection  of  the  President. 
Among  these  papers  were  the  letter  to  him  from  General 
Rosecrans ;  another  from  Colonel  Jacquess  ;  the  one  from 
the  colored  man  who  had  asked  Rosecrans' s  aid  and  coun- 
tenance to  a  proposed  negro  insurrection;  and  the  rest 
were  full  notes  of  conversations  I  had  myself  held  with  no 
less  than  sixteen  of  Rosecrans's  general  officers,  in  regard 
to  the  forward  movement  upon  Chattanooga  which  had 
been  ordered  by  Secretary  Stanton.  The  letter  from  Colo- 
nel Jaquess  to  the  President  he  had  given  to  me  open, 
asking  that  I  would  read  it.  Having  done  so,  I  hesitated 
about  delivering  it  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  lest  what  struck  me  as 
its  half  fanatical  tone  —  of  which  there  was  not  a  trace  in 
the  colonel's  conversation  —  should  prejudice  him  against 
the  request.  However,  as  frankness  seemed  to  demand 
that  the  President  should  know  just  exactly  of  what  "  man- 
ner of  spirit "  Jaquess  was,  I  despatched  his  letter  with  the 
other  papers.  It  read  as  follows  : 

MURFREESBOROUGH,  TENN.,  May  23,  1863. 
HON.  A.  LINCOLN,  President  U.  S.  A. 

My  Dear  Sir,  —  This,  with  other  papers,  will  be  handed  to  you  by 
Mr.   Gilmore,  who  has  been  introduced  to  me  by  General  Rosecrans. 

148 


CONFERENCES   WITH  LINCOLN.  149 

Mr.  G.  will  explain  to  you  in  full  what  I  propose  to  do.  Meanwhile, 
should  you  feel  that  my  proposition  is  too  strong,  and  cannot  be  real- 
ized, I  would  say,  I  may  not  be  able  to  reach  the  specific  object 
stated  in  the  proposition,  but  the  mission  cannot  fail  to  accomplish 
great  good. 

It  is  a  fact  well  known  to  me  and  others,  perhaps  to  yourself,  that 
much  sympathy  exists  in  the  minds  of  many  good  people,  both  in 
this  country  and  England,  for  the  South,  on  the  ground  of  their  pro- 
fessed piety.  They  say,  "  Mr.  Davis  is  a  praying  man,"  "  Many  of 
his  people  are  devotedly  pious,"  etc.,  etc.  Now,  you  will  admit  that, 
if  they  hear  me,  I  have  gained  a  point.  On  the  other  hand,  if  Mr. 
Davis  and  his  associates  in  rebellion  refuse  me,  coming  to  them  in 
the  name  of  the  Lord  on  a  mission  of  peace,  the  question  of  their 
piety  is  settled  at  once  and  forever.  Should  I  be  treated  with 
violence,  and  cast  into  prison,  shot,  or  hanged,  —  which  may  be  part 
of  my  mission,  —  then  the  doom  of  the  Southern  Confederacy  is 
sealed  on  earth  and  in  heaven  forever.  My  dear  Mr.  Lincoln  will 
excuse  me  when  I  say  that  I  am  ready  for  any  emergency,  and  though 
not  Samson,  I  should,  like  him,  slay  more  at  my  death  than  in  all  my 
life  at  the  head  of  my  regiment.  No,  the  mission  cannot  fail. 
God's  hand  is  in  it.  I  am  not  seeking  a  martyr's  crown,  but  simply 
to  meet  the  duty  that  has  been  laid  upon  me. 

I  have  talked  freely  with  Mr.  Gilmore,  and  he  will  explain  to  you 
more  fully,  if  you  desire.  To  him  I  would  refer  you,  and  with  my 
best  wishes  and  prayers,  I  am,  dear  sir, 

Your  obedient  servant, 

JAMES  F.  JAQUESS, 
Colonel  Com'd'g  73d  Illinois  Infantry. 

I  enclosed  with  the  letters  a  note  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  asking 
at  what  hour  I  might  have  a  private  interview.  The 
answer,  written  in  pencil  on  a  small  card,  was,  "  Come  at 
half  past  seven  this  evening,  and  I'll  be  glad  to  see  you. 
A.  L." 

I  had  been  taught  promptness  by  Robert  J.  Walker,  and 
at  precisely  the  appointed  time  I  presented  myself  in  the 
anteroom  to  the  President's  apartment.  There  I  was  told 
that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  closeted  with  Reverdy  Johnson,  and, 


150  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTION S. 

taking  a  seat,  I  waited.  In  about  half  an  hour  Mr.  Johnson 
passed  out,  and  then  the  homely,  humane  face  that  every 
one  is  now  familiar  with  appeared  in  the  doorway.  Taking 
me  by  the  hand,  he  said,  "  Sorry  to  have  kept  you  waiting. 
Come  in,"  adding,  as  he  closed  the  door  behind  me,  "  Do 
you  know,  I  can't  talk  with  you  about  that  Jaquess 
matter  ?  " 

"  Why  not,  sir  ?  'M  asked,  in  some  surprise.  He  an- 
swered, "  Because  I  happen  to  be  President  of  the  United 
States.  We  can  make  no  overtures  to  the  rebels.  If  they 
want  peace,  all  they  have  to  do  is  to  lay  down  their  arms. 
But  never  mind  about  that ;  you've  been  to  Tennessee,  and 
I  want  to  see  you.  So  sit  down  and  tell  me  all  you  know ; 
it  won't  take  you  long." 

I  laughed,  saying,  "  I  am  not  sure  as  to  that,  sir.  But 
you  look  fatigued ;  will  not  a  long  talk  tire  you  ?  " 

"  No,  no !  "  he  answered,  "  never  mind  if  it  does.  I  am 
obliged  to  be  tired.  I  have  looked  over  the  papers  you've 
sent  me,  and  I've  many  questions  to  ask.  Now,  first  about 
this  negro  insurrection,"  taking  up  the  letter ;  "  is  not  this 
a  hoax  ? " 

I  answered  that  at  first  I  thought  it  was;  however,  it 
bore  so  many  marks  of  genuineness,  —  its  style,  just  that 
of  an  uneducated  negro  who  had  gathered  a  certain  kind 
of  oral  culture  from  intercourse  with  the  whites,  but  not 
the  ability  to  express  himself  correctly  in  writing,  and  the 
leather  stains  upon  the  envelope, —  these  looked  so  genuine 
that  it  seemed  to  me  it  would  not  be  safe  to  treat  it  as 
bogus. 

"Well,"  he  said,  "it  does  have  a  genuine  look.  What 
do  Rosecrans  and  Garfield  think  of  it  ?  " 

I  told  him. 

"  And  they  want  me  to  put  my  foot  upon  it  ?  " 


CONFERENCES    WITH  LINCOLN.  151 

"  They  do,  most  decidedly ;  they  urge  its  having  imme- 
diate attention.  They  think  the  country  would  be  seriously 
compromised  if  the  project  were  for  a  moment  counte- 
nanced." 

"  They  are  right,  and  I  will  give  it  immediate  attention. 
You  may  write  them  to  that  effect." 

As  I  shall  not  again  have  occasion  to  refer  to  this  subject, 
I  may  as  well  break  into  this  interview  to  relate  what  else 
I  know  of  it.  The  interview  was  near  the  close  of  May, 
and  early  in  June  I  received  a  letter  from  General  Garfield, 
dated  the  4th  instant,  of  which  the  following  is  an  extract : 

I  am  clearly  of  opinion  that  the  negro  project  is  every  way  bad, 
and  should  be  repudiated  and,  if  possible,  thwarted.  If  the  slaves 
should,  of  their  own  accord,  rise  and  assert  their  original  right  to 
themselves,  and  cut  their  way  through  rebeldom,  that  is  their  own 
affair ;  but  the  Government  could  have  no  complicity  with  it  without 
outraging  the  sense  of  justice  of  the  civilized  world.  We  should 
create  great  sympathy  for  the  rebels  abroad,  and  God  knows  they 
have  too  much  already.  I  hope  you  will  ventilate  the  whole  thing 
in  the  Tribune,  and  show  that  the  Government  and  people  disavow  it. 

I  submitted  this  letter  to  Horace  Greeley  and  Sidney 
Howard  Gay,  who  both  urged  the  immediate  publication  of 
the  whole  affair.  But  I  said,  "  The  matter  is  now  in  the 
hands  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  It  might  interfere  with  his  plans  if 
it  should  be  prematurely  published.  However,  I  will  write 
him  at  once." 

His  reply  is  now  in  the  historical  library  of  the  Johns 
Hopkins  University,  at  Baltimore.  It  was  in  a  letter  from 
his  private  secretary,  John  G.  Nicolay,  dated  June  14, 
1863.  So  much  of  it  as  refers  to  this  subject  is  as  follows : 

The  President  has  no  objection  whatever  to  your  publishing  what 
you  propose  concerning  the  negro  insurrection,  providing  you  do  not 
in  any  way  connect  his  name  with  it. 


152  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

Before  the  arrival  of  this  reply  from  the  President,  I  re- 
ceived another  letter  from  General  Garfield,  in  which  he  said : 

The  negro  scheme  of  which  we  talked  has  been  pressed  upon  us 
again,  and  the  letter  asserts  that  five  out  of  our  nine  department 
commanders  have  approved  it.  Another  letter,  received  yesterday, 
says  one  more  department  has  gone  into  it,  and  that  the  scheme  is 
being  rapidly  and  thoroughly  perfected,  and  the  blow  will  certainly 
be  struck. 

This  last  letter  convinced  me  that  no  time  was  to  be  lost, 
and,  after  conferring  again  with  Messrs.  Greeley  and  Gay, 
I  decided  to  go  on  to  Washington  to  urge  upon  Mr.  Lincoln 
the  necessity  for  prompt  action,  and  to  gain  from  him  such 
other  facts  as  would  be  prudent  to  make  public. 

The  President  read  the  two  letters  of  Garfield  in  his 
quiet,  thoughtful  way,  and  then,  moving  his  one  leg  from 
where  it  dangled  across  the  other,  he  said :  "  I've  been 
thinking  on  that  subject.  I  guess  you  had  better  say  noth- 
ing whatever  just  yet.  You  see,  I  have  scotched  the  snake, 
not  actually  killed  it.  When  it  is  dead  it  will  be  time 
enough  to  preach  its  funeral  sermon." 

"  And  you  will  let  me  know  when  you  are  ready  for  the 
sermon  ?  " 

He  promised  to  do  so,  and  soon  the  interview  ended. 

I  do  not  assert  that  this  projected  insurrection  was  not 
what  Mr.  Lincoln  at  first  surmised  it  might  be,  —  a  hoax. 
I  simply  affirm  that  Generals  Rosecrans  and  Garfield  — 
and  soon  Mr.  Lincoln,  also  —  believed  it  to  be  a  real 
danger,  which  threatened  the  South  with  all  the  horrors  of 
St.  Domingo.  But  whether  the  danger  was  real  or  not,  the 
action  of  the  President,  and  of  the  others  who  had  cog- 
nizance of  this  projected  insurrection,  has  the  same  charac- 
ter of  genuine  human  kindness  towards  the  South. 

All  know  that  the  insurrection  did  not  take  place,  and  I 


CONFERENCES   WITH  LINCOLN.  153 

have  always  doubted  if  the  conspiracy  was  so  widespread 
and  universal  as  it  was  supposed  to  be  by  the  subordinate 
leader  who  wrote  the  letters  to  Rosecrans. 

The  uprising  was  fixed  for  August,  and  serious  outbreaks 
occurred  among  the  blacks  in  Georgia  and  Alabama  in 
September.  May  not  those  have  been  the  work  of  subordi- 
nate leaders  who,  maddened  at  the  miscarriage  of  the  main 
design,  were  determined  to  carry  out  their  part  of  the 
programme  at  all  hazards  ? 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  disinclined  to  talk  about  the  part  he 
took  in  the  affair,  and  I  was  too  diplomatic  to  press  him 
with  questions.  The  last  he  said  to  me  upon  the  subject 
was  a  short  time  before  his  death,  when,  alluding  to  it,  he 
remarked,  "  Some  time,  when  I  have  a  little  leisure,  I  will 
tell  you  the  whole  of  that  story." 

The  assassin's  bullet  cut  short  the  story. 

I  will  now  return  to  the  interview  I  began  to  relate  in 
the  opening  of  this  chapter.  Mr.  Lincoln  having  thus 
disposed  of  the  projected  negro  insurrection,  said,  "Now 
tell  me  what  you  saw  of  Rosecrans  and  his  army,  and  what 
you  think  of  the  general  personally." 

"  Well,  sir,"  I  answered,  "  I  was  in  intimate  intercourse 
with  him  daily  for  more  than  a  fortnight,  and  I  say  without 
reservation  that  he  is  one  of  the  most  all-accomplished 
men  I  ever  met,  with  remarkable  executive  ability,  quick, 
unerring  judgment,  and  views  as  broad  as  those  of  Robert 
J.  Walker.  I  am  not  a  soldier,  and  so  not  competent  to 
give  a  military  estimate  of  him,  but,  before  I  met  him, 
Quincy  Gillmore  told  me  that  he  was  the  most  tenacious 
fighter  and  the  ablest  strategist  in  our  army;  and  this  is 
the  opinion  of  every  one  of  his  general  officers.  He  fills 
up  fully  the  idea  I  have  of  Wellington.  Moreover,  he  is  a 
thorough  Christian  gentleman." 


154  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

"  But,  on  occasions,  somewhat  irascible  ?  "  he  said,  in  an 
inquiring  tone. 

"  Never,"  I  answered,  "  unless  under  provocation  that 
would  move  even  you  from  your  equanimity." 

"Then  you  know  that  he  is  at  loggerheads  with 
Stanton?" 

"  Yes,  I  know  all  about  it." 

"  And  what  is  your  opinion  of  the  controversy  ?  Speak 
freely,  no  matter  who  it  hits." 

"  Well,  Rosecrans  is  all  right,  and  Stanton  is  all  wrong. 
If  I  were  in  Rosecrans's  place  I  would  resign  before  another 
day  is  over.  I  think  he  would  have  resigned  a  month  ago 
had  he  not  been  restrained  by  feelings  of  patriotism.  He 
may  do  it  yet,  if  you  don't  hold  Stanton  in  check.  You 
can't  afford  to  lose  Rosecrans." 

"Then  you  think  him  the  right  man  in  the  right 
place?" 

"  No,  sir ;  I  think  he  is  the  right  man  in  the  wrong 
place." 

"Then,"  he  asked,  "where  would  you  put  him?  Tell 
me ;  I  may  not  follow  your  advice,  but  nevertheless  I 
would  like  to  have  it." 

"  Well,  sir,  if  I  were  in  your  place  I  should  put  Halleck 
into  the  field,  retire  Stanton  to  a  clerical  position,  and  give 
Rosecrans  full  command  of  all  the  armies.  The  old  gentle- 
man who  gave  me  my  business  education  used  to  say  there 
could  be  but  one  head  to  a  commercial  establishment.  I 
suppose  the  same  principle  applies  to  military  matters." 

"  There  is  a  good  deal  in  that,"  he  remarked.  "  Now, 
you  have  heard  the  forward  movement  to  Chattanooga 
discussed,  —  what  is  your  opinion  about  that  ?  " 

"  The  same  as  that  of  Rosecrans  and  every  one  of  his 
general  officers,  with  all  of  whom  I  have  conversed  on  the 


CONFERENCES    WITH  LINCOLN.  155 

subject.  They  think  that  under  present  circumstances  it 
would  be  suicidal  —  would  end  in  the  defeat,  and  perhaps 
the  total  destruction,  of  our  army.  Have  you  not  read  the 
reports  I  sent  you  this  morning  of  my  interviews  with 
those  gentlemen  ? " 

"Not  fully;  but  I  see  they  are  all  of  one  mind, — 
decidedly  opposed  to  a  forward  movement." 

"  They  are,  sir ;  and  let  me  add  what  General  Thomas 
said  to  me  when  I  was  stepping  upon  the  cars  to  come 
away.  He  knew  that  I  was  to  have  a  talk  with  you  on 
this  subject,  and  he  said, '  Impress  upon  Mr.  Lincoln  that 
the  movement  cannot  be  safely  made  with  less  than  100,000 
men  in  the  marching  army.' '' 

"  Well,"  he  said,  "  they  all  think  alike ;  so  they  must  be 
right.  You  may  say  to  Rosecrans  that  the  order  will  be 
countermanded,  and  he  will  not  again  be  ordered  forward 
till  he  is  supplied  with  men  and  horses  enough  to  move  in 
safety." 

"  It  will  give  me  great  pleasure  to  do  so,"  I  answered. 
"  But,  Mr.  Lincoln,  permit  me  to  suggest  that  you  say  the 
same  thing  to  him  yourself  —  and  to-night,  by  telegraph, 
so  he  may  get  it  in  the  morning.  Old  Rosey  is  just  the 
man  to  appreciate  such  a  courtesy,  and  it  would  be  a  salve 
to  a  good  many  of  Mr.  Stanton's  wounds." 

"I'll  do  it,"  he  said,  "very  cheerfully,  just  as  soon  as 
I've  said  a  few  more  words  to  you.  Then  I'll  let  you  go, 
for  it's  growing  late,  and  I  want  some  sleep.  As  to  Stanton 
—  you  know  that  it  is  hard  to  teach  old  dogs  new  tricks. 
He  is  terribly  in  earnest ;  and  he  does  not  always  use  the 
most  conciliatory  language.  He  very  sensibly  feels  the 
need  we  have  of  victories,  and  he  would  take  almost  any 
means  to  get  them.  And  the  fact  is,  unless  we  have  them 
soon  the  war  is  likely  to  be  prolonged  indefinitely.  Say 


156  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

this  to  Rosecrans,  and  ask  him  to  have  patience  with 
Stanton.  His  bark  is  a  great  deal  worse  than  his  bite." 

A  short  desultory  conversation  followed,  and  it  was 
half  past  ten  when  I  rose  to  take  leave  of  him.  As  I  did 
so  he  asked,  "  When  do  you  return  home  ?  " 

"  In  the  morning,  sir,"  I  replied. 

"  Can't  you  stay  another  day,"  he  said,  "  and  come  to 
see  me  to-morrow  evening  ?  I  want  to  think  more  of  that 
Jaquess  matter." 

That  night  before  I  slept  I  mailed  a  full  report  of  this 
interview  to  General  Rosecrans. 

On  the  following  evening  I  called  again,  as  he  had 
requested,  upon  Mr.  Lincoln.  I  found  him  in  a  more 
anxious  mood  than  I  had  ever  seen  him.  He  wore  a 
fagged,  dejected  look,  and  for  a  time  indulged  in  none  of 
his  accustomed  raillery  and  jocoseness.  His  concern  was 
for  Grant,  who  was  before  Vicksburg  with  numbers  inferior 
to  Pemberton  and  Johnston.  His  fear  was  that  Johnston 
had  cut  Grant's  communications,  for  he  had  not  heard 
from  him  for  more  than  twenty-four  hours.  As  despatch 
after  despatch  came  in  from  the  War  Department,  he 
opened  and  glanced  over  it,  then  laid  it  down,  saying  in 
a  weary  way,  "  Nothing  from  Grant  yet !  Why  don't  we 
hear  from  Grant  ?  "  Had  the  life  of  one  of  his  sons  been 
trembling  in  the  balance,  he  could  not  have  shown  greater 
anxiety.  I  felt  too  much  sympathy  with  him  to  attempt 
to  divert  his  mind  to  the  business  I  had  come  about,  and 
it  was  a  full  hour  before  he  alluded  to  the  subject.  Then 
suddenly  he  said,  "  Well,  I've  kept  you  over  to  consider 
about  that  Jaquess  matter.  I've  about  concluded  to  let 
him  go.  My  only  fear  is  that  he  may  compromise  me; 
but  I  don't  see  how  he  can  if  I  refuse  to  see  him,  and  he 


CONFERENCES    WITH  LINCOLN.  157 

goes  altogether  on  his  own  responsibility.  But  he  must 
understand  distinctly  that  I  have  nothing  to  do  with  his 
project,  either  directly  or  indirectly.  If  the  impression 
should  go  abroad  that  I  had,  it  might  complicate  matters 
badly." 

"  I  understand,  sir,"  I  remarked.  "  It  might  be  construed 
into  a  quasi-acknowledgment  of  the  rebel  Government,  and 
give  France  and  England  the  pretext  they  want  for  recog- 
nizing the  Confederacy." 

"  Partly  that,"  he  answered,  "  and  partly  its  effect  on 
ihe  North.  The  Copperheads  would  be  sure  to  say  I  had 
shown  the  white  feather,  and  resorted  to  back-door  diplo- 
macy to  get  out  of  a  bad  scrape.  This,  whether  true  or 
not,  would  discourage  loyal  people.  You  see,  I  don't  want 
to  be  like  the  dog  that  crossed  the  brook  with  the  piece  of 
meat  in  his  mouth,  and  dropped  it  to  catch  its  enlarged 
shadow  in  the  water.  I  want  peace ;  I  want  to  stop  this 
terrible  waste  of  life  and  property ;  and  I  know  Jaquess 
well,  and  see  that,  working  in  the  way  he  proposes,  he  may 
be  able  to  bring  influences  to  bear  upon  Davis  that  he  can- 
not well  resist,  and  thus  pave  the  way  for  an  honorable  set- 
tlement; but  I  can't  afford  to  discourage  our  friends  and 
encourage  our  enemies,  and  so,  perhaps,  make  it  more 
difficult  to  save  the  Union." 

"  I  appreciate  your  position,  sir,"  I  said,  "  but  what 
weight  will  Jaquess  have,  if  he  goes  without  some,  at  least 
implied,  authority  from  you  ?  " 

"  He  may  have  much,"  he  replied,  drawing  from  his  side 
pocket  the  letter  to  him  from  Jaquess,  and  glancing  over 
it.  "  He  proposes  here  to  speak  to  them  in  the  name  of 
the  Lord,  and  he  says  he  feels  God's  hand  is  in  it,  and  he 
has  laid  the  duty  upon  him.  Now,  if  he  feels  that  he  has 
that  kind  of  authority,  he  can't  fail  to  affect  the  element 


158  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

on  which  he  expects  to  operate,  and  that  Methodist  element 
is  very  powerful  at  the  South." 

"  Why,  sir !  "  I  remarked.  "  I  hesitated  about  deliv- 
ering you  that  letter.  I  feared  you  would  think  Jaquess 
fanatical." 

"If  you  had  not  delivered  it,"  he  answered,  "I  would 
not  let  him  go.  Such  talk  in  you  or  me  might  sound 
fanatical ;  but  in  Jaquess  it  is  simply  natural  and  sincere. 
And  I  am  not  at  all  sure  he  isn't  right.  God  selects  his 
own  instruments,  and  sometimes  they  are  queer  ones ;  for 
instance,  he  chose  me  to  steer  the  ship  through  a  great 
crisis." 

I  was  glad  to  see  him  relapsing  into  his  usual  badinage, 
but,  desiring  to  keep  him  to  the  subject,  I  said :  "  Then, 
sir,  you  decide  to  give  Jaquess  the  furlough,  but  refuse  to 
grant  him  an  interview.  He  will  need  to  know  your  views 
about  peace.  What  shall  I  write  him  are  the  terms  you 
will  grant  the  rebels  ?  " 

"  Don't  write  him  at  all,  —  write  to  Rosecrans.  I've 
been  thinking  what  had  better  be  said.  My  views  are, 
peace  on  any  terms  consistent  with  the  abolition  of  slavery 
and  the  restoration  of  the  Union.  Is  not  that  enough  to 
say  to  Jaquess  ?  He  can  do  no  more  than  open  the  door 
for  further  negotiations,  which  would  have  to  be  conducted 
with  me  here,  in  a  regular  way.  Let  Rosecrans  tell  him 
that  we  shall  be  liberal  on  collateral  points ;  that  the  coun- 
try will  do  everything  for  safety,  nothing  for  revenge." 

"  Do  you  mean,  sir,"  I  asked,  "  that  as  soon  as  the 
rebels  lay  down  their  arms  you  will  grant  a  general 
amnesty  ?  " 

"I  do ;  and  I  will  say  to  you  that,  individually,  I  should 
be  disposed  to  make  compensation  for  the  slaves ;  but  I 
doubt  if  my  Cabinet  or  the  country  would  favor  that. 


CONFERENCES   WITH  LINCOLN.  159 

What  do  you  think  public  opinion  would  be  about  it? 
Nicolay  tells  me  you  have  recently  lectured  all  over  the 
North ;  you  must  have  heard  people  talk." 

"  I  have,  sir,  almost  everywhere ;  and  my  opinion  is  that 
not  one  voter  in  ten  would  pay  the  South  a  dollar.  Still, 
I  have  observed  very  little  hatred  or  bitterness  in  any 
quarter." 

"  No,"  he  answered ;  "  the  feeling  is  against  slavery,  not 
against  the  South.  The  war  has  educated  our  people  into 
abolition,  and  they  now  deny  that  slaves  can  be  property. 
But  there  are  two  sides  to  that  question :  one  is  ours,  the 
other  the  Southern  side ;  and  those  people  are  just  as  hon- 
est and  conscientious  in  their  opinion  as  we  are  in  ours. 
They  think  they  have  a  moral  and  legal  right  to  their 
slaves,  and  until  very  recently  the  North  has  been  of  the 
same  opinion;  for  two  hundred  years  the  whole  country 
has  admitted  it,  and  regarded  and  treated  the  slaves  as 
property.  Now,  does  the  mere  fact  that  the  North  has 
come  suddenly  to  a  contrary  opinion  give  us  the  right  to 
take  the  slaves  from  their  owners  without  compensation  ? 
The  blacks  must  be  freed.  Slavery  is  the  bone  we  are 
fighting  over.  It  must  be  got  out  of  the  way,  to  give  us 
permanent  peace  ;  and  if  we  have  to  fight  this  war  till  the 
South  is  subjugated,  then  I  think  we  shall  be  justified  in 
freeing  the  slaves  without  compensation.  But  in  any  set- 
tlement arrived  at  before  they  force  things  to  that  extrem- 
ity, is  it  not  right  and  fair  that  we  should  make  payment 
for  the  slaves  ?  " 

"If  I  were  a  slaveholder,"  I  answered,  "I  should  prob- 
ably say  that  it  was ;  but  you,  sir,  have  to  deal  with  things 
as  they  are,  and  I  think  that  if  you  were  to  sound  public 
sentiment  at  the  North  you  would  find  it  utterly  opposed 
to  any  compromise  with  the  South.  A  vast  majority  would 


160  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

regard  compensation  as  a  price  paid  for  peace,  and  not  for 
the  slaves." 

"  So  I  think,"  he  said,  "  and  therefore  I  fear  we  can 
come  to  no  adjustment.  I  fear  the  war  must  go  on  till 
North  and  South  have  both  drunk  of  the  cup  to  the  very 
dregs,  —  till  both  have  worked  out  hi  pain,  and  grief,  and 
bitter  humiliation  the  sin  of  two  hundred  years.  It  has 
seemed  to  me  that  God  so  wills  it;  and  the  first  gleam 
I  have  had  of  a  hope  to  the  contrary  is  in  this  letter  of 
Jaquess.  This  thing,  irregular  as  it  is,  may  mean  that  the 
higher  powers  are  about  to  take  a  hand  in  this  business,  and 
bring  about  a  settlement.  I  know  if  I  were  to  say  this  out 
loud,  nine  men  in  ten  would  think  I  had  gone  crazy.  But 
—  you  are  a  thinking  man  —  just  consider  it.  Here  is  a 
man,  cool,  deliberate,  God-fearing,  of  exceptional  sagacity 
and  worldly  wisdom,  who,  undertakes  a  project  that  strikes 
you  and  me  as  utterly  chimerical :  he  attempts  to  bring 
about,  single-handed,  and  on  his  own  hook,  a  peace  between 
two  great  sections.  Moreover,  he  gets  it  into  his  head  that 
God  has  laid  this  work  upon  him,  and  he  is  willing  to  stake 
his  life  upon  that  conviction.  The  impulse  on  him  is  over- 
powering, as  it  was  upon  Luther,  when  he  said, '  God  help 
me.  I  can  do  no  otherwise.'  Now,  how  do  you  account 
for  this  ?  What  produces  this  feeling  in  him  ?  " 

"An  easy  answer  would  be  to  say  that  Jaquess  is  a 
fanatic." 

"  But,"  he  replied,  "  he  is  very  far  from  being  a  fanatic. 
He  is  remarkably  level-headed ;  I  never  knew  a  man  more 
so.  Can  you  account  for  it,  except  on  his  own  supposition, 
that  God  is  in  it  ?  And,  if  that  be  so,  something  will  come 
out  of  it,  perhaps  not  what  Jaquess  expects,  but  what  will 
be  of  service  to  the  right.  So,  though  there  is  risk  about 
it,  I  shall  let  him  go." 


CONFERENCES   WITH  LINCOLN.  161 

"There  certainly,  sir,  is  risk  to  Jaquess.  He  will  go 
^without  a  safe-conduct,  and  so  will  be  technically  a  spy. 
The  rebel  leaders  may  choose  to  regard  him  in  that  light. 
If  they  don't  like  his  terms  of  peace,  they  may  think  that 
the  easiest  way  to  be  rid  of  the  subject.  In  that  event, 
couldn't  you  in  some  way  interfere  to  protect  him  ?  " 

"  I  don't  see  how  I  could,"  he  replied,  "  without  appear- 
ing to  have  a  hand  in  the  business.  And  if  Jaquess  has 
his  duties,  I  have  mine.  What  you  suggest  reminds  me  of 
a  man  out  West,  who  was  not  overpious,  but  rich,  and 
built  a  church  for  the  poor  people  of  his  neighborhood. 
When  the  church  was  finished,  the  people  took  it  into  their 
heads  that  it  needed  a  lightning-rod,  and  they  went  to  the 
rich  man,  and  asked  him  for  money  to  help  pay  for  it. 
4  Money  for  a  lightning-rod  ! '  he  said.  *  Not  a  red  cent! 
If  the  Lord  wants  to  thunder  down  his  own  house,  let  him 
thunder  it  down,  and  be  d — d.' " 

"  So,"  I  said,  laughing,  "  you  propose  to  let  the  Lord  take 
care  of  Jaquess  ?  " 

"  I  do,"  he  answered.  "  His  evident  sincerity  will  pro- 
tect him.  I  have  no  fear  for  him  whatever.  But  I  shall 
be  anxious  to  hear  of  him,  and  I  wish  you  would  send  me 
the  first  word  you  get.  In  writing  to  Rosecrans,  omit  what 
I  have  said  about  paying  for  the  slaves.  The  time  has  not 
come  to  talk  about  that.  Let  him  say  what  he  thinks  best 
to  Colonel  Jaquess;  but  the  colonel  must  not  understand 
he  has  the  terms  from  me.  We  want  peace,  but  we  can 
make  no  overtures  to  the  rebels.  They  already  know  that 
the  country  would  welcome  them  back,  and  treat  them 
generously  and  magnanimously." 

"To  avoid  any  possibility  of  misunderstanding,  sir,"  I 
remarked,  "  would  it  not  be  well  for  you  also  to  write  to 
Rosecrans  ?  " 


162  PEBSONAL  BECOLLECTIONS. 

"  Perhaps  it  would,"  he  answered.  "  I  think  I  will." 
As  I  have  said,  I  had  never  seen  Mr.  Lincoln  so  deeply 
depressed.  And  now,  when  I  thought  of  the  gigantic  com- 
bination that  had  been  formed  for  his  overthrow ;  how  the 
men  on  whom  he  most  relied,  and  who  were  bound  by  a 
due  regard  for  their  country  to  give  him  the  most  zealous 
support,  were  deserting  him  and  leaving  him  to  carry  on 
the  tremendous  struggle  alone,  my  sympathy  went  out  to 
him  irresistibly,  and  I  resolved  to  make  such  amends  as  I 
could  for  having  given  even  a  qualified  aid  ,to  the  further- 
ance of  their  project.  I  could  not  betray  the  confidence  that 
Mr.  Greeley  had  placed  in  me,  nor  so  much  as  hint  at  the 
existence  of  the  unfriendly  combination ;  but  I  might  afford 
him  some  little  comfort  by  telling  him  what  a  lady,  whom 
he  knew  to  be  one  of  the  best  of  her  sex,  had  said  to  me 
about  him.  So,  drawing  a  letter  of  hers  from  my  pocket,. 
I  said,  "  Mr.  Lincoln,  I  want  to  read  to  you  a  letter  which 
I  received  at  the  Tribune  office  here  this  morning.  It  is 
from  a  young  woman  whom  you  know.  Long  ago  she  gave 
herself  to  the  Lord,  and  that,  you  know,  means  the  country  ; 
so  she  has  a  right  to  be  heard." 

He  nodded,  but  said  nothing,  and  I  went  on  with  the 
letter,  which  was  as  follows : 

You  write  that  you  are  going  to  Washington,  so  I  know  you'll  see 
"  Old  Abe."  Now  don't  you  find  any  fault  with  him.  I  know  your 
impatient  disposition,  —  I  know  you  think  he  ought  to  have  done 
a  good  deal  more  than  he  has  done.  But  remember  that  he  has  had 
an  untried  way,  difficulties  all  about  him,  conservatives  advising  one 
thing,  radicals  another,  and  all  deceiving  him.  So  don't  you  find 
fault  with  him,  but  bid  him  "  Godspeed."  Tell  him  that  all  good 
men  and  women  everywhere  are  with  him,  —  that  they  pray  for  him, 
and  bless  him  for  what  he  has  done,  and  will  yet  do.  One  word 
from  a  man  he  knows  has  nothing  to  ask  for  may  cheer  him,  —  cheer 
him  more  than  you  know,  —  and  don't  you  fail  to  say  it.  As 


CONFERENCES   WITH  LINCOLN.  163 

you  love  truth  and   God,  say  it,  for  it  is  true   and  you  ought 
to  say  it. 

His  lip  trembled  slightly,  and  his  voice  had  a  most  soft 
and  mellow  tone  as  he  asked,  "  Who  is  she  ?  " 

I  answered,  "  She  is  a  daughter  of  Judge  John  W. 
Edmonds,  of  New  York.  You  have  met  her  personally." 

"Ah,  yes,  I  remember,"  he  said.  "  As  soon  as  you  see 
her,  tell  her  that  I  thank  her,  —  that  I  hope  God  will  bless 
her.  Be  sure  to  do  this  as  soon  as  you  meet  her." 

It  may  not  be  in  strictly  good  taste,  but  my  feelings  con- 
strain me  to  say  that  the  lady  who  wrote  that  letter  has 
been  for  now  many  years  my  wife,  and  for  a  longer  period 
—  a  full  third  of  a  century  —  my  good  angel. 

It  was  near  midnight  when  I  rose  to  go.  As  I  did  so, 
Mr.  Lincoln  said,  "  Don't  go  yet.  I  shall  stay  here  until  I 
get  something  from  Grant." 

I  resumed  my  seat,  and  half  an  hour  later  the  much 
desired  despatch  came  in.  Then  the  worn,  weary  man  took 
my  hand,  saying,  "  Good-by.  God  bless  you,"  and  I  went 
to  my  quarters. 

I  wrote  at  once  to  Generals  Rosecrans  and  Garfield,  and 
soon  afterwards  had  a  response  from  Major  Frank  S.  Bond, 
senior  aide  to  Rosecrans,  dated  Murfreesborough,  June  4, 
1863.  A  portion  of  it  was  as  follows : 

Your  letter  to  the  general  and  enclosure  to  Garfield  &  Company 
were  both  duly  received,  and  will  probably  be  acknowledged  by  the 
parties  to  whom  they  were  addressed.  A  letter  has  also  been  re- 
ceived [the  one  promised  by  Mr.  Lincoln]  as  to  the  matter  of  Doctor 
J.,  of  similar  import  to  that  stated  in  your  letter.  On  receipt  of  this 
letter  I  sent  for  Colonel  J.,  and  had  a  talk  with  him.  He  says  he 
does  not  wish  to  start  at  once,  if  the  army  is  to  move.  He  also  asks 
would  he  be  warranted  in  saying  that  the  Government  would,  under 
certain  circumstances,  be  willing  to  pay  a,  fair  price  to  the  smaller 


164  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

slave-owners,  —  say,  to  the  owners  of  five  slaves  and  under;  also, 
would  they  allow  the  leaders  to  leave  the  country  without  molesta- 
tion, or  would  they  make  it  compulsory.  Please  write  me  your  views 
on  these  points. 

All  letters  and  most  of  the  conversations  which  are 
quoted  in  the  course  of  these  sketches,  I  copy  from  the 
originals,  or  from  minutes  made  by  me  at  the  time,  but  of 
my  reply  to  this  letter  I  either  did  not  keep  a  copy,  or  have 
mislaid  it.  To  the  best  of  my  recollection,  the  substance 
of  my  answer,  addressed  to  Major  Bond,  or  directed  to 
General  Rosecrans,  was  that  Jaquess  had  better  not  go  into 
details  in  his  proffers  to  the  rebels ;  that  conceding  Union 
and  Emancipation,  they  would  find  Mr.  Lincoln  most  liberal 
on  all  collateral  matters ;  also  that  Colonel  Jaquess,  on  his 
return,  had  better  report  to  General  Rosecrans,  and  not 
attempt  to  communicate  direct  with  Mr.  Lincoln,  there 
being  strong  reasons  why  the  President  should  have,  at  the 
time,  no  intercourse  with  him. 

The  next  tidings  1  had  of  Colonel  Jaquess  were  in  a 
letter  to  me  from  General  Garfield,  dated  Murfreesborough, 
June  17,  1863.  He  said  : 

Colonel  Jaquess  has  gone  on  his  mission.  The  President  ap- 
proved it,  though,  of  course,  he  did  not  make  it  an  official  matter. 
There  are  some  very  curious  facts  relating  to  his  mission  which 
would  particularly  interest  your  friend  Judge  Edmonds,  and  which  I 
hope  to  tell  you  of  some  day.  It  will  be  sufficient  for  me  to  say  that 
enough  of  the  mysterious  is  in  it  to  give  me  almost  a  superstitious 
feeling  of  half  faith,  and  certainly  a  very  great  interest,  in  his  work. 
He  is  most  solemnly  in  earnest,  and  has  great  confidence  in  the  result 
of  his  mission. 

I  had  no  further  tidings  of  Colonel  Jaquess  until  the 
following  November,  though  I  was  in  frequent  correspond- 
ence with  General  Garfield,  and  would  have  heard  of 


CONFERENCES    WITH  LINCOLN.  165 

him  had  Jaquess  reported,  as  was  expected,  to  General 
Rosecrans.  Nor  did  Mr.  Lincoln  hear  from  him.  I  was 
twice  in  Washington  during  the  summer,  and  on  each 
occasion  saw  the  President,  who  at  our  last  interview  ex- 
pressed much  concern  about  Jaquess.  He  feared  some  evil 
had  befallen  him,  and  regretted  having  let  him  go,  for  just 
then  such  men  could  be  poorly  spared  by  the  country.  My 
own  opinion  was  that  Jaquess  had  been  detained  by  the 
Confederates ;  but  about  the  middle  of  November  I  received 
a  letter  from  him  which  showed  that  he  had  returned  in 
safety.  He  subsequently  told  me  that,  on  leaving  Murfrees- 
borough,  he  went  direct  to  Baltimore,  where  he  reported 
to  General  Schenck,  who,  on  learning  his  purpose,  for- 
warded him  on  to  Fortress  Monroe.  There  he  explained  to 
General  Dix  his  object  in  going  into  the  Confederacy,  and 
he,  after  some  delay  (probably  to  secure  instructions  from 
Washington),  allowed  him  to  go  on  board  a  flag-of -truce 
boat,  which  was  about  to  start  for  the  Confederate  lines. 
He  was  in  his  uniform,  but  was  courteously  treated,  and  a 
message  from  him  to  General  Longstreet  was  promptly 
conveyed  to  that  officer.  Before  the  return  of  the  boat 
General  Longstreet  came  down  to  meet  him,  received  him 
cordially,  and  invited  him  to  his  own  quarters.  There  he 
met  many  of  the  Confederate  leaders,  with  all  of  whom  he 
discussed  the  situation  frankly  and  freely.  To  all  of  them 
he  said,  "  Lay  down  your  arms,  go  back  to  your  allegiance, 
and  the  country  will  deal  kindly  and  generously  by  you." 
He  could  not  say  more,  for  he  was  restricted  from  going 
into  details.  From  all  he  had,  in  effect,  the  same  answer : 
"  We  are  tired  of  the  war.  We  are  willing  to  give  up  slav- 
ery. We  know  it  is  gone  ;  but  so  long  as  our  Government 
holds  out,  we  must  stand  by  it.  We  cannot  betray  it  and 
each  other."  It  was  this  sentiment  of  loyalty  to  their  Gov- 


166  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

eminent  which  made  the  Southern  people  follow  so  blindly 
the  lead  of  Jefferson  Davis,  and  it  throws  upon  him  the  re- 
sponsibility of  the  two  years  of  carnage  that  followed.  It  will 
also  appear,  farther  on  in  this  volume,  that  it  was  altogether 
•owing  to  the  blind  obstinacy  and  insane  ambition  of  that 
man  that  the  Southern  people  came  out  of  the  war  stripped, 
without  payment,  of  their  slaves,  and  with  scarcely  more 
that  they  could  call  their  own  than  the  ground  they  trod 
upon. 

Colonel  Jaquess  failed  to  gain  audience  of  Mr.  Davis,  and 
was  told  that  it  would  be  useless  to  approach  him  without 
having  distinct  proposals  from  Mr.  Lincoln.  But  if  he 
brought  those,  and  they  were  on  a  liberal  basis,  they  would 
without  doubt  be  accepted.  To  obtain  more  definite  pro- 
posals, Jaquess,  forgetful  of  my  warning,  returned  to  Balti- 
more, from  where  he  wrote  to  Mr.  Lincoln.  He  waited  a 
fortnight,  but,  no  answer  coming,  and  thinking  that  he  was 
needed  with  his  regiment,  —  it  being  on  the  eve  of  a  great 
battle,  that  of  Chattanooga,  —  he  returned  to  the  army. 
His  subsequent  movements  I  shall  relate  farther  on  in  this 
volume. 


CHAPTER  XIY. 

THE  TRIBUNE   IN   THE   DRAFT  RIOTS. 

ON  the  morning  succeeding  my  last  interview  with 
Mr.  Lincoln,  I  went  on  to  New  York  and  reported  my 
various  proceedings  very  fully  to  Mr.  Greeley.  He  ex- 
pressed regret  that  Rosecrans  would  not  act  as  a  pres- 
idential candidate,  but  said  at  the  close,  "  He  will  at  any 
rate  serve  the  country ;  and  it  is  a  comfort  to  have  one  such 
man  in  control  of  an  army." 

The  report  finished,  I  said  to  him,  "  I  have  thought  this 
thing  over,  and  I  have  concluded  to  tell  you  that  I  can  have 
no  part  or  lot  in  your  project  to  unseat  Mr.  Lincoln.  I 
have  the  highest  regard  for  you  personally,  but  you  must 
allow  me  to  withdraw  from  all  connection  with  the  Tribune" 

"  Tut,  tut,"  he  said ;  "  have  I  not  told  you  that  we  shall 
not  say  one  word  against  Mr.  Lincoln  ?  And  did  not  Gay 
agree  that  you  should  write  what  you  please  for  the  Trib- 
une ?  You  are  worn  out  now  with  your  long  tramp ;  but 
get  rested,  and  then  write  for  us  some  sketches  of  what 
you  saw  in  Tennessee,  —  omitting,  of  course,  why  you  went 
there."  This  ended  my  attempt  to  secede  from  the 
Tribune. 

The  sketches  I  then  wrote  for  it  at  Mr.  Greeley's  sug- 
gestion have  been  somewhat  drawn  upon  in  the  prepara- 
tion of  this  volume.  Then  things  went  on  in  their  usual 
"way  for  several  weeks  and  until  occurred  the  draft 

167 


168  PERSONAL  EECOLLECTIONS. 

riots,  which  seriously  threatened  the  Tribune  office  with 
destruction.  I  took  part  with  Mr.  James  Parton,  the 
widely  known  biographical  writer,  in  the  arming  of  the 
building,  and  with  Sidney  Howard  Gay,  the  managing 
editor,  in  the  successful  resistance  of  the  mob;  and  the 
following  account  is  the  combined  report  of  all  three  of  us, 
—  each  one  describing  the  portions  of  which  he  was  an 
eye-witness.  The  report  being  first  written  out  by  Mr. 
Parton  and  myself,  it  was  submitted  to  Mr.  Gay  while 
he  was  confined  to  his  bed  in  his  last  illness,  and  he  then 
dictated  to  his  daughter  some  additions  to  it  which  are 
incorporated  in  this  narrative. 

It  was  July,  1863.  General  Lee  had  invaded  Pennsyl- 
vania, John  Morgan  was  riding  roughshod  over  Ohio,  and 
President  Lincoln  had  called  for  another  half  million  of 
men  to  aid  in  suppressing  the  Southern  Confederacy  ;  and 
Congress  had  passed  an  injudicious  law  exempting  from 
the  operation  of  the  draft  all  who  should  pay  into  the 
treasury  the  sum  of  three  hundred  dollars.  Discontent 
was  almost  universal,  and  it  was  systematically  fomented, 
especially  in  New  York  City,  by  a  class  of  "  pot-house  poli- 
ticians," who,  haranguing  in  barrooms  and  on  street  cor- 
ners, declared  that  the  draft  was  unconstitutional,  that  no 
allowance  had  been  made  for  seven  thousand  men  who  had 
recently  been  sent  from  New  York  City  to  repel  Lee's  ad- 
vance into  Pennsylvania,  and  that  it  bore  with  peculiar 
oppressiveness  upon  the  poor  man.  Blind  to  the  gathering 
storm,  the  Government,  after  denuding  New  York  City  of 
all  but  three  hundred  troops,  went  on  with  the  enrolment ; 
and  on  Saturday,  the  llth  of  July,  began  the  draft  in  the 
Ninth  District.  Twelve  hundred  and  thirty-six  names 
were  drawn,  but  no  trouble  occurred.  Early  in  the  morn- 
ing of  Sunday,  though,  throngs  of  excited  men  began  to 


THE  TEIBUNE  IN    THE  DRAFT  RIOTS.  169 

crowd  the  hotels  and  barrooms  in  the  locality  where  the 
draft  was  to  continue  on  the  morrow.  Gathering  in  little 
knots,  they  denounced  the  conscription,  and  openly  talked 
of  attacking  the  drafting  offices.  Mingling  among  them 
were  men  in  common,  and  in  some  instances  shabby,  cloth- 
ing, but  whose  speech  indicated  cultivation,  and  whose 
hands  showed  them  unused  to  labor.  They  advised  con- 
cert of  action,  and  the  gathering  together  of  clubs,  fence- 
rails,  stones,  rusty  guns,  and  every  variety  of  offensive 
weapon,  to  be  secreted  in  convenient  places,  in  readiness 
for  a  grand  outbreak  on  the  morrow.  In  the  evening  ex- 
cited crowds  paraded  the  streets,  singing  and  shouting; 
but  towards  midnight  they  dispersed,  leaving  New  York  to 
its  usual  quiet. 

About  three  o'clock  on  the  following  morning  (Mon- 
day), Sidney  Howard  Gay,  having  finished  his  work  on 
Monday's  paper,  left  his  office  in  the  dingy  building  then 
standing  on  the  corner  of  Spruce  and  Nassau  Streets,  and 
boarded  a  street-car  to  go  to  his  up-town  lodgings.  The 
driver  on  the  platform  said  to  him :  "  Stirrin'  times,  sir. 
Fa'th,  an'  ye'll  have  something  to  talk  about  to-morrow." 

"  How  so  ?     What  do  you  mean  ?  " 

"Nothing;  only  a  mob  will  resist  the  draft  to-morrow, 
and  New  York  will  see  the  biggest  riot  in  history." 

Mr.  Gay  went  to  his  lodgings,  and  slept  quietly  until  nine 
o'clock  on  the  following  morning.  Then  he  rose,  took  a 
hasty  breakfast,  and  went  out  upon  the  avenue.  The 
stores  were  closed,  the  streets  deserted,  but  excited  crowds 
were  gathered  on  every  corner.  This  recalled  to  him  the 
words  of  the  car-driver.  Evidently  a  storm  was  brewing, 
and,  it  might  be,  it  was  about  to  break  in  a  torrent  of 
bloody  rain  on  the  defenceless  city.  His  post  was  with 
the  Tribune ;  so  he  boarded  a  street-car,  and  two  hours  be- 


170  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

fore  his  usual  time  entered  his  office,  two  miles  away,  all 
unconscious  of  the  high  havoc  already  reigning  in  the  upper 
part  of  the  city. 

Soon  tidings  came  in  to  him  that  the  enrolment  offices  had 
been  sacked  and  burned,  and  all  up-town  was  in  the  con- 
trol of  an  infuriated  mob.  Meanwhile,  an  excited  crowd 
had  gathered  in  Printing  House  Square,  that  was  being 
harangued  by  a  Virginian  named  Andrews,  who  denounced 
the  Tribune  in  violent  language,  and  raised  his  hands  with 
threatening  gestures  to  those  who  were  looking  down  from 
the  windows  of  the  editorial  rooms.  While  he  did  so, 
there  rose  every  now  and  then  from  the  crowd  a  cry 
of  "  Down  with  the  Tribune ! "  "  Down  with  the  old 
white  coat  what  thinks  a  naygar  as  good  as  an  Irish- 
man." 

These  ominous  storm-gatherings  Mr.  Gay  reported  to 
Mr.  Greeley  on  his  arrival,  soon  afterwards,  in  the  edito- 
rial rooms,  adding:  "The  authorities  have  taken  no  steps 
for  our  defence.  The  Evening  Post  has  armed  its  building ; 
we  must  do  the  same  if  it  is  to  be  saved.  This  is  not  a 
riot,  but  a  revolution." 

u  It  looks  like  it,"  said  Mr.  Greeley ;  "  it  is  just  what  I 
have  expected,  and  I  have  no  doubt  they  will  hang  me; 
but  I  want  no  arms  brought  into  the  building.  We  must 
rely  upon  the  authorities,  and  submit  to  our  fate,  if  no 
help  comes  from  them." 

Saying  this,  he  put  his  arm  within  that  of  the  editor  of 
the  Independent,  who  was  present,  and  went  away  to  his 
dinner.  Crowds  of  excited  people  were  in  Printing  House 
Square,  but  the  two  editors  passed  them  in  safety.  An 
hour  or  two  later,  Mr.  Gay  set  out  to  find  Mr.  George 
Opdyke,  the  mayor,  and  to  demand  of  him  the  protection 
of  the  authorities ;  but  while  he  was  in  pursuit  of  that  offi- 


THE   TRIBUNE  IN   THE  DRAFT  RIOTS.  171 

cial,  one  of  those  trifling  incidents  occurred  which  now 
and  then  save  nations  and  printing-offices. 

Two  gentlemen,  having  heard  up-town  of  the  danger 
threatening  the  Tribune,  had  left  their  homes  to  give  it 
warning,  and  they  met  in  the  business  office  of  the  great 
newspaper.  There  they  learned  from  Mr.  Samuel  Sinclair, 
the  publisher,  that  Mr.  Greeley  had  gone  away,  enjoining 
that  no  arms  should  be  provided  to  defend  the  premises. 
Neither  of  them  had  any  pecuniary  interest  in  the  estab- 
lishment, but  both  felt  that  a  blow  aimed  at  the  Tribune 
was  aimed  equally  at  free  speech ;  and  one  of  them  said  to 
the  other :  "  The  Tribune  editor  is  wrong ;  let  us  arm  the 
building  on  our  own  responsibility." 

This  proposition  was  assented  to,  and  the  two  gentlemen 
—  one  of  whom  was  James  Parton,  the  biographer,  the 
other  the  writer  of  this  sketch  —  repaired  at  once  to  the 
police  and  military  headquarters. 

I  will  now  let  Mr.  Parton  relate  what  fell  under  his 
observation  before  and  after  we  parted  from  each  other  at 
the  headquarters  of  General  Wool. 

"  On  Monday  afternoon,"  writes  he,  "  about  four  o'clock, 
my  wife  and  I  were  strolling  down  Fourteenth  Street,  in 
that  languid  state  of  mind  which  writers  know  who  have 
spent  a  long  morning  at  the  desk.  Near  the  corner  of  the 
Fifth  Avenue,  we  were  startled  from  our  state  of  vacancy 
by  a  large  stone  falling  upon  the  pavement  before  us,  which 
was  followed  by  a  yell  of  many  voices,  and  the  swift  gallop- 
ing past  of  a  horse,  with  a  black  man  on  his  back.  We 
saw  streaming  down  the  Fifth  Avenue  a  crowd  of  ill- 
dressed  and  ill-favored  men  and  boys,  each  carrying  a  long 
stick  or  piece  of  board,  and  one  or  two  of  them  a  rusty 
musket.  They  were  walking  rapidly,  and  without  order, 
on  the  sidewalk  and  in  the  street,  and  extended  perhaps  a 


172  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

quarter  of  a  mile;  in  all,  there  may  have  been  two  hun- 
dred of  them.  The  stone  which  had  recalled  our  attention 
to  sublunary  things  was  aimed  by  one  of  these  scoundrels 
at  the  negro,  who  owed  his  escape  from  instant  death  to  his 
being  on  horseback. 

"  Having  heard  nothing  of  the  riots  of  that  morning,  we 
were  puzzled  to  account  for  the  presence  of  this  motley 
crew  in  a  region  usually  so  serene,  until  one  of  them  cried 
out,  as  he  passed,  '  There's  a  three-hundred-dollar  fellow.' 
When  the  main  body  had  gone  by,  I  asked  one  of  the 
stragglers  where  they  were  going.  The  reply  was,  '  To 
the  Tribune  office.' 

"  It  was  a  strange-looking  gang  of  ruffians.  I  had  lived 
in  New  York  from  childhood,  and  supposed  myself  ac- 
quainted with  the  various  classes  of  its  inhabitants.  But  I 
did  not  recognize  that  crowd.  I  know  not  to  this  day 
whence  they  came,  nor  whither  they  vanished.  Three- 
fourths  of  them  were  under  twenty-one  years  of  age,  and 
many  were  not  more  than  fourteen.  The  clubs  with  which 
they  were  armed  were  all  extempore,  evidently  seized,  as 
they  passed,  from  some  old  pile  of  boards  and  timber. 
Their  clothes  were  not  of  any  kind  of  shabbiness  that  I 
have  ever  seen  in  our  streets.  They  were  not  the  gar- 
ments of  laborers  or  mechanics,  nor  of  any  other  class 
usually  seen  here.  I  should  say  they  might  be  dock- 
thieves,  plunderers  of  shipyards,  and  stealers  of  old  iron 
and  copper. 

"  It  occurred  to  me  that,  by  taking  an  omnibus,  I  could 
get  ahead  of  the  gang,  and  give  warning  at  the  office 
threatened,  —  about  a  mile  and  a  half  distant.  So  we 
hurried  to  Broadway;  but  the  omnibuses  being  full,  I 
strode  on  at  a  great  pace  down-town,  and  thus  had  the 
exquisite  satisfaction  of  seeing  that  crew  of  villains  put  to 


THE  TRIBUNE  IN  THE  DRAFT  RIOTS.  173 

flight  near  the  corner  of  Tenth  Street.  It  so  happened 
that,  just  as  the  head  of  the  gang  turned  into  Broadway,  a 
body  of  policemen  was  passing  on  towards  the  scene  of  the 
riots  up-town.  The  police  instantly  formed  into  two  lines, 
extending  from  curbstone  to  curbstone,  and  rushed  upon 
the  mob.  *  Strike  hard,  and  take  no  prisoners,'  was  the 
word.  There  was  a  rattling  of  clubs  for  a  moment,  a  dozen 
knock-down  blows  given,  and  the  ruffians  fled  by  every 
street,  leaving  their  wounded  in  the  mud.  The  police 
re-formed  in  marching  order,  and  continued  their  course, 
making  no  arrests.  It  was  all  over  in  about  a  minute. 
All  the  wounded  were  able  to  get  away,  except  one,  who 
staggered  into  a  drug  store  as  I  got  into  an  omnibus.  He 
was  evidently  in  a  damaged  condition  about  the  head,  and 
his  face  was  covered  with  blood.  Only  one  of  the  police 
was  hit,  and  he  was  able  to  go  on  with  his  company. 

"At  the  Tribune  office,  everything  wore  an  aspect  so 
little  unusual  that  I  felt  rather  ashamed  to  tell  my  story. 
The  windows  and  doors  were  all  open,  and  the  business 
office  was  nearly  empty,  the  editorial  rooms  quite  so,  and 
there  was  no  crowd  around  the  building.  The  reporters 
and  editors  were  absent,  collecting  details  of  the  riot. 

"While  I  was  suggesting  the  propriety  of  shutting  up 
the  office,  as  a  precautionary  measure,  Mr.  Gilmore  came 
in,  to  whom  I  stated  what  I  had  seen  and  heard.  He  was 
fully  alive  to  the  situation,  and  proposed  that  we  should  go 
to  the  Chief  of  Police  and  to  General  Wool,  and  see  what 
was  prepared  for  the  protection  of  the  office  during  the 
night.  We  went.  At  police  headquarters  we  found  a 
squad  of  more  than  a  hundred  men  drawn  up  on  the  side- 
walk, who,  we  were  assured,  would  march  to  the  office,  and 
remain  on  guard  there.  This  seemed  sufficient ;  but  to 
make  assurance  doubly  sure,  Mr.  Gilmore  insisted  on  our 


174  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

going  to  General  Wool.  We  found  the  general  at  the  St. 
Nicholas  Hotel,  with  the  mayor  and  a  staff.  Mr.  Gilmore 
procured  from  him  an  order  on  the  ordnance  officer  at 
Governor's  Island,  for  one  hundred  muskets  and  the  requi- 
site ammunition.  He  started  immediately  for  the  island ;. 
and  I,  satisfied  that  the  Tribune  was  safe,  walked  leisurely 
to  the  office  to  report  progress. 

"  It  was  about  seven  in  the  evening  when  I  reached  it. 
The  appearance  of  the  neighborhood  had  changed.  The 
office  was  closed,  and  the  shutters  were  up.  A  large  num- 
ber of  people  were  in  the  open  space  in  front  of  it,  talking 
in  groups,  but  not  in  a  loud  or  excited  manner.  Not  a 
policeman  was  to  be  seen.  Upon  getting  into  the  office  I 
found  only  two  or  three  persons  there,  neither  of  whom 
knew  anything  about  the  body  of  police  detailed  to  guard 
the  premises,  nor  had  they  heard  of  any  measures  taken  to 
defend  them.  Their  official  position  made  it  their  duty  to 
stand  by  the  ship ;  and  there  they  were,  helpless  and  alone. 
Crossing  over  to  the  police-station,  in  the  City  Hall,  in 
search  of  the  promised  squad,  I  found  one  policeman 
in  charge,  who  said  that  a  hundred  and  ten  men  had, 
indeed,  come  down  to  that  station ;  but  that,  upon  a  rumor 
of  a  riot  in  the  First  Ward,  they  had  immediately  marched 
away  again.  As  Mr.  Gilmore  could  not  possibly  get  back 
with  the  arms  under  two  hours,  the  office  was  no  safer  than 
before. 

"  I  went  among  the  crowd  in  front  of  the  Tribune  office, 
to  learn  the  tone  of  the  conversation  going  on  there.  There 
was  nothing  remarkable  in  the  appearance  of  the  people, 
most  of  whom  seemed  to  be  merely  attracted  by  curiosity, 
and  detained  by  the  impulse  there  is  at  such  times  for 
people  to  gather  in  knots,  and  talk.  One  good-natured- 
looking  bull  of  a  man  was  declaiming  a  little,  <  What's  the 


THE   TRIBUNE  IN  THE  DEAFT  EIOTS.  175 

use  of  killing  the  niggers  ? '  said  he.  *  The  niggers  haven't 
done  nothing.  They  didn't  bring  themselves  here,  did 
they  ?  They  are  peaceable  enough !  They  don't  interfere 
with  nobody ! '  Then,  pointing  to  the  editorial  rooms  of  the 
Tribune,  he  exclaimed,  '  Them  are  the  niggers  up  there.' 
Others  were  holding  forth  in  a  similar  strain. 

"  Little  by  little,  the  crowd  gathered  more  closely  about 
the  office,  and  became  more  compact.  The  sidewalk  was 
kept  pretty  clear ;  but  from  the  curbstone  back  to  the 
middle  of  the  square  there  was  a  mass  of  people,  who 
stood  looking  at  the  building,  which  loomed  up  in  the 
dusk  of  the  evening,  unlighted,  and  apparently  unoccupied. 
The  crowd  was  still  very  quiet.  At  length  a  small  gang 
of  such  fellows  as  I  had  seen  demolished  by  the  police 
in  the  afternoon  came  along  from  Chatham  Street,  and 
mingled  with  the  crowd,  which  from  that  time  began  to  be 
a  little  noisy.  A  voice  would  utter  something,  and  the 
rest  of  the  people  would  laugh,  or  cheer,  or  both.  It  was 
the  laughter  and  the  cheers  which  appeared  to  work  the 
mob  up  to  the  point  of  committing  violence.  Gradually 
the  shouts  became  louder  and  much  more  frequent.  At 
last,  a  stone  was  thrown,  which  hit  one  of  the  shutters,  and 
fell  upon  the  pavement  close  to  the  building.  This  was 
greeted  by  a  perfect  yell  of  applause;  and  then,  for  the 
first  time,  I  felt  the  office  was  in  danger.  Before  that, 
the  crowd  had  laughed  too  much  to  suggest  mischief. 
Besides,  the  fringe  of  the  crowd  nearest  the  building  was 
composed  of  boys, — newsboys,  apparently,  —  some  of  whom 
were  not  more  than  twelve  years  old. 

"I  ran  over  to  the  police-station  in  the  City  Hall.  A 
few  policemen  were  there,  to  whom  I  said, '  The  mob  are 
beginning  to  throw  stones  at  the  Tribune  office.  Five  men 
can  stop  the  mischief  now  ;  in  ten  minutes,  a  hundred  can- 


176  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

not.'  It  happened  that  the  number  of  men  present  was 
six,  five  of  whom  very  promptly  drew  their  clubs,  and 
repaired  to  the  scene.  By  the  time  they  arrived,  stones 
were  flying  fast,  and  little  boys  would  run  forward,  under 
the  shower  of  missiles,  pick  up  a  stone  or  two,  and  run 
back.  Occasionally,  a  window  would  be  broken,  eliciting  a 
yell  of  triumph  from  the  mob.  The  five  men  went  boldly 
along  the  sidewalk,  and  gained  a  position  between  the  office 
and  the  crowd.  The  firing  totally  ceased  for  a  minute  or 
two,  and  the  mob  slunk  away  from  the  police,  as  if  fearing, 
possibly,  revolvers.  Very  soon,  however,  the  smallness  of 
the  force  became  apparent ;  no  revolvers  were  shown ;  and 
the  stones  again  began  to  batter  against  the  shutters 
and  smash  the  windows.  The  mob  surged  forward,  those 
in  front  being  pushed  upon  the  clubs  of  the  policemen,  who 
were  soon  overpowered  and  thrust  aside.  Then  the  mob 
rushed  at  the  lower  shutters  and  doors.  There  was  a  loud 
banging  and  thumping  of  clubs,  and  in  an  exceedingly 
short  time,  amid  the  most  frantic  yells  of  the  multitude, 
the  main  door  was  forced,  and  the  mob  poured  into  the 
building.  I  supposed  then  that  the  Tribune  was  gone. 
But  at  that  moment  the  report  of  a  pistol  was  heard, 
fired  somewhere  in  front  of  the  building,  whether  from 
one  of  the  windows,  or  from  a  policeman  below,  I  know 
not.  Instantly,  the  whole  crew  of  assailants  on  the  side- 
walk crowded  back  into  the  street,  and  the  gates  of  the 
opposite  Park  seemed  choked  with  fugitives.  Before  the 
dastards  had  time  to  rally,  a  whole  army  of  blue  uniforms 
came  up  Nassau  Street  on  the  double-quick,  and  the  office 
was  saved.  These  men,  I  suppose,  were  the  original  one 
hundred  and  ten  detailed  for  the  purpose ;  but  in  the  dim 
light  of  the  evening  it  seemed  as  if  Nassau  Street  was  a 
rushing  torrent  of  dark  blue  cloth  and  brass  buttons. 


THE   TRIBUNE  IN   THE  DRAFT  RIOTS.  177 

"The  men  that  saved  the  office  from  destruction  were 
the  five  who  rushed  in  between  the  building  and  the  mob. 
They  caused  the  suspension  of  the  efforts  of  the  rioters  for 
about  five  minutes,  which  gave  time  for  the  large  body  to 
arrive  before  the  fire  had  begun  to  spread." 

Unquestionably  the  considerate  action  of  Mr.  Parton 
was  the  means  of  saving,  for  the  time  being,  the  Tribune 
building.  The  proceedings  of  the  police  are  graphically  de- 
scribed by  a  member  of  the  one  hundred  and  ten  who  had 
been  ordered  to  Printing  House  Square  by  Commissioner 
Acton.  "  A  false  report,"  he  writes,  "  whether  designed 
or  not,  of  the  gathering  of  a  mob  in  Wall  Street,  started  us 
down  Broadway  to  Beaver  Street,  and  so  through  to  Broad 
Street,  when  we  found  that  the  disturbance,  a  slight  one, 
had  been  suppressed.  After  a  brief  delay,  we  resumed  our 
return  march  up  Broad  and  Nassau  Streets.  On  reaching 
the  corner  of  Beekman  and  Nassau  Streets,  we  could 
distinctly  hear  the  crashing  of  wood  and  glass  in  the  Trib- 
une building;  the  work  of  riot  and  devastation  had  com- 
menced ;  but,  with  the  earnestness  and  thoroughness  which 
marked  the  conduct  of  the  outbreak  from  the  start,  there 
was  no  shouting  or  profane  clamor.  It  was  a  storming 
party,  under  competent  and  effective  leadership.  So  earnest 
were  they  in  their  work,  so  absorbed,  in  fact,  that  the  low, 
stern  order,  *  Keep  together,  men ;  steady ;  now,  then, 
Forward !  Charge  ! '  was  unheard,  save  by  a  few  spectators 
on  the  Times  corner.  With  a  shout  from  a  hundred  and 
ten  throats,  we  struck  the  rioters  like  a  thunderbolt,  cleav- 
ing and  scattering  them  in  utter  rout,  confusion,  and  dis- 
may. A  few  of  us  entered  the  office.  They  had  only  gone 
as  far  as  the  ground  floor;  and  the  few  foolhardy  rebels 
who  were  there  were  mercilessly  clubbed  into  the  street,  or 
into  insensibility,  and  hurriedly  dragged  off  by  friends  to  die 


178  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

in  unknown  homes,  or  linger,  with  maimed  and  shattered' 
heads  and  limbs,  for  months  and  years  of  pain  and  disfig- 
urement. Printing  House  Square  —  a  minute  previous 
crowded  by  a  surging  mass,  five  thousand  strong  —  was 
in  five  minutes  cleared  to  a  point  below  French's  Hotel 
(the  site  of  the  present  World  building),  save  where  the 
dead  and  wounded  were  being  dragged  off  by  terrified 
friends.  We  did  not  try  to  take  prisoners." 

He  adds :  "  The  importance  of  our  action  can  hardly  be 
overestimated.  The  suddenness  and  vigor  of  the  blow  dis- 
concerted the  murdering  thieves,  and  demoralized  for  the 
time  whatever  of  organization  they  had  in  the  lower  part 
of  the  city.  The  Tribune,  Times,  and  Post  buildings  would 
inevitably  have  gone  as  a  consequence  of  even  their  partial 
success;  and  speculation  stops  aghast  when  reflecting  on 
the  possible  havoc  and  destruction  of  the  massed  and 
hoarded  wealth  collected  below  Canal  Street." 

Sidney  Howard  Gay,  meanwhile,  was  closeted  with  the 
mayor  and  General  Wool,  at  the  St.  Nicholas  Hotel.  A 
secretary,  in  a  captain's  uniform,  was  writing  orders  at  a 
tall  desk  perched  against  the  wall,  and  a  score  or  more  of 
army  officers  and  civilians  were  talking  together  in  low 
tones  in  various  parts  of  the  room.  Anxiety  and  irresolu- 
tion were  depicted  on  every  countenance ;  and  even  the 
scarred  veteran  who  had  ridden  unmoved  through  a  score 
of  battles,  seemed,  for  the  moment,  mastered  by  the  occa- 
sion. And  well  he  might  be.  With  only  three  hundred 
men,  he  had  to  make  headway  against  an  infuriated  mob 
of  thirty  thousand.  The  occasion  demanded  a  hero,  and 
heroes  are  scattered  only  here  and  there  through  the 
centuries. 

Mr.  Gay  explained  the  defenceless  condition  of  Printing 
House  Square,  and  asked  for  men  or  muskets,  but  was  met 


THE  TRIBUNE  IN   THE  DRAFT  RIOTS.  179 

with  a  courteous  refusal.  Of  men,  the  general  had  not  a 
corporal's  guard ;  and  muskets !  those  he  might  furnish ; 
but,  if  he  did,  they  would  be  seized  by  the  mob  before  they 
could  possibly  reach  the  Tribune  office.  He  had  just  given 
a  requisition  for  a  hundred  to  some  importunate  gentlemen 
who  insisted  on  themselves  arming  the  Herald  building; 
but  he  could  give  orders  for  no  more ;  they  would  surely 
be  seized  by  the  mob,  and  used  against  the  Government. 
The  muskets  he  alluded  to  were  the  ones  secured  by 
myself  and  Mr.  Parton;  but  the  confusion  in  the  street 
had  got  into  the  head  of  the  old  general,  and  he  had  mis- 
taken—  what  no  one  else  ever  did  —  the  Tribune  for  the 
Herald. 

As  he  went  down  Broadway,  the  managing  editor  heard 
that  the  Tribune  building  had  been  sacked  and  burned ;  but 
he  kept  on,  and  in  half  an  hour  reached  the  office,  just  as 
the  police  were  driving  off  the  rear-guard  of  the  rioters. 
Entering  the  lower  story,  he  came  upon  a  scene  which  beg- 
gared description.  In  the  two  minutes  they  had  held  pos- 
session the  mob  had  accomplished  the  most  thorough  and 
complete  destruction.  Gas-burners  were  twisted  off,  coun- 
ters and  desks  were  overturned,  and,  in  the  centre  of  the 
room,  two  charred  spots,  littered  over  with  paper  cinders, 
showed  where  fire  had  been  kindled  to  reduce  the  building 
to  ashes. 

Ascending  to  the  upper  stories,  he  found  the  editorial 
rooms  silent  and  deserted  by  all  save  one  of  the  corps, — 
the  brave  George  W.  Smalley,  who,  a  year  before,  had 
ridden  through  the  fire  of  Antietam  by  the  side  of  Hooker. 
The  composing-rooms  had  only  four  tenants,  —  Amos  J. 
Cummings,  then  a  practical  printer,  now  a  member  of  Con- 
gress for  New  York  City,  his  brother,  and  two  other 
printers.  In  the  pressroom  were  only  Patrick  O'Rouke, 


180  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

the  senior  pressman,  and  Thomas  N.  Hooker,  the  veteran 
foreman  of  the  Tribune  establishment.  Out  of  a  force  of 
about  one  hundred  and  fifty  men,  only  seven  were  at  their 
posts.  But  if  the  whole  number  had  stood  their  ground, 
what  could  they,  unarmed,  have  done  against  an  infuriated 
mob  of  five  thousand  ? 

But  Mr.  Gay  did  not  waste  time  on  the  subject,  for  it 
vas  already  eight  o'clock  at  night;  and  before  daybreak 
forty  thousand  copies"  of  his  journal  had  to  be  in  press,  and 
borne  on  the  four  winds  to  every  quarter  of  the  country. 
Looking  down  on  the  street,  he  saw  that  the  mob  had  fully 
dispersed,  and,  quietly  sallying  out,  he  rallied  a  dozen  of 
his  printers.  With  this  small  force  he  began  work.  But 
soon,  one  by  one,  the  others  fell  in,  and  in  half  an  hour  the 
types  were  clicking,  and  the  monstrous  press  was  rumbling, 
as  if  only  quiet  reigned  over  the  great  city. 

But  the  handful  of  police  who  had  so  opportunely  scat- 
tered the  rioters  were  unable  to  long  keep  the  mob  out  of 
Printing  House  Square,  and  soon  again  the  sinister-looking 
ruffians  began  to  gather  in  front  of  the  Tribune  building. 
They  were  evidently  bent  on  reducing  it  to  ashes  before 
morning ;  but  the  managing  editor  determined  to  stand  his 
ground,  and  die  game,  if  need  were,  right  there  among  his 
editorials. 

Nine  o'clock  came,  and  still  the  mob  kept  increasing. 
All  Nassau  Street  and  Spruce  Street  and  Printing  House 
Square,  and  the  skirts  of  the  Park,  and  Chatham  Street  as 
far  up  as  French's  Hotel,  had  become  one  swaying  sea  of 
battered  hats,  lit  by  the  flaring  glare  of  the  street  lamps, 
and  flecked  with  the  foam  of  perhaps  ten  thousand  human 
faces.  At  half  past  nine  a  reporter  named  Bowerman 
bounded  up  the  long  stairway,  and,  out  of  breath,  entered 
the  office  of  the  managing  editor.  He  had  mixed  with  the 


THE  TRIBUNE  IN   THE  DRAFT  RIOTS.  181 

mob,  he  said,  and  eleven  o'clock  was  the  hour  fixed  upon 
for  the  final  assault  upon  the  Tribune  building.  He  reported 
that  a  considerable  portion  of  the  rioters  were  armed  and 
drilled,  and  the  police  could  no  more  make  head  against 
them  than  a  feather  can  withstand  a  whirlwind.  Mr.  Gay 
put  his  pen  over  his  ear,  looked  down  at  the  fast-gathering 
mob,  and  then  went  on  with  his  writing. 

The  situation  seemed  desperate.  But  at  that  very  mo- 
ment the  writer  of  this  sketch,  who  three  hours  before  had 
set  out  to  get  the  muskets  from  Governor's  Island,  entered 
the  apartment.  My  greeting  of  the  managing  editor  was 
somewhat  laconic.  "  I  have  a  hundred  muskets,"  I  said, 
"  to  arm  this  building.  They  are  a  few  blocks  off.  Have 
as  many  police  as  you  can  muster  ready  to  guard  the  dray 
when  it  comes  up  Spruce  Street  from  Franklin  Square." 
This  was  all  I  said,  and  then,  turning  about,  I  went  two 
steps  at  a  time  down  the  stairways,  and  soon  the  huge 
boxes  were  hoisted  into  the  building. 

Parting  from  Mr.  Parton  at  the  headquarters  of  General 
Wool,  I  had  mounted  to  the  top  of  an  omnibus,  and  made 
my  way  with  all  possible  speed  to  the  Battery.  The  route 
was  obstructed  with  vehicles,  and  it  was  past  seven  o'clock 
before  I  reached  the  South  Ferry.  There,  to  my  conster- 
nation, I  was  told  that  not  a  boat  could  be  procured  to 
convey  me  to  Governor's  Island.  Every  boatman  had 
knocked  off  work  two  hours  before,  and  disappeared  from 
the  locality,  probably  to  reinforce  the  mob  which  was  then 
raising  high  havoc  in  the  upper  part  of  the  city. 

I  must,  however,  cross  to  the  island ;  and,  going  rapidly 
along  the  docks,  I  at  last  came  upon  an  old  longshoreman, 
in  a  ragged  tarpaulin  and  greasy  trousers,  quietly  smoking 
a  pipe  on  the  taffrail  of  a  low  fore-and-aft  schooner,  from 
whose  stern  a  small  boat  was  dangling.  "  Old  man,"  I  said 


182  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

to  him,  "  I  have  a  ten-dollar  greenback  in  my  pocket  that 
is  yours,  if  you  will  jump  into  that  boat  and  row  me  at  once 
to  Governor's  Island." 

"  Can't  do  it,  sir,"  answered  the  man ;  "  the  captain  is 
away.  Couldn't  do  it  for  ten  times  the  money ;  but  you 
can  get  a  boat  at  the  Battery." 

"  Well,  come  along  and  show  me  where.  I'll  pay  you 
well  for  your  trouble." 

The  old  fellow  sprang  upon  the  dock,  and  led  the  way  at 
a  pace  I  was  troubled  to  keep  up  with,  and  soon  we  were 
at  the  signal-station  at  the  head  of  the  Battery.  Here, 
moored  to  the  stairs,  were  a  half  dozen  boats,  but  not  a 
human  being  was  anywhere  visible.  My  only  course  was 
to  confiscate  one  of  these  craft,  and  I  proceeded  to  do  it 
without  ceremony.  In  a  very  few  minutes  I  was  seated 
in  the  stern  of  a  boat,  with  my  feet  ankle-deep  in  water, 
and  the  old  man  was  pushing  the  leaky  craft  out  into 
the  river.  "  Now,  old  fellow,"  I  said,  "  an  extra  dollar 
if  you're  there  in  a  quarter  of  an  hour." 

"  Ay,  ay,  sir,"  answered  the  old  man,  stretching  himself 
to  the  oars,  and  shooting  the  boat  out  into  the  current. 

It  was  already  dark,  and  the  tide  was  running  swiftly ; 
but  within  a  quarter  of  an  hour  we  were  at  Governor's 
Island.  Springing  ashore,  I  counted  out  the  hire  of  the 
confiscated  boat  by  the  lamp  of  a  small  steamer  which  was 
moored  at  the  landing,  and  then  hurried  off  to  the  office  of 
the  commandant.  No  light  was  burning  in  the  office ;  in 
fact,  the  whole  island  seemed  deserted.  I  shouted  several 
times,  but  no  one  answered,  and  at  last  I  went  back  towards 
the  landing.  There  I  found  a  young  officer  with  his  arm 
in  a  sling,  and  to  him  I  explained  my  business.  The  young 
man  set  off  at  once,  at  the  top  of  his  speed,  for  the  com- 
mandant's house,  and  soon  that  gentleman  appeared  at  the 


THE   TRIBUNE  IN  THE  DRAFT  RIOTS.  183 

landing.  The  whole  island,  with  its  immense  store  of  arms 
and  ammunition,  was  defended  only  by  him,  twelve  privates, 
and  the  wounded  lieutenant,  the  remainder  of  the  garrison 
having  gone  to  the  city  to  reinforce  the  troops  engaged 
with  the  rioters. 

Ordering  the  small  steamer  that  was  moored  to  the  dock 
to  "  up  with  the  steam,"  the  commandant  directed  his  men 
to  get  out  the  arms  and  ammunition ;  and  in  less  than  an 
hour  the  enormous  boxes  were  trundled  on  board,  and  the 
steamer  was  on  its  way  to  the  Battery.  The  moon  was 
down,  and  a  thick  veil  of  clouds  muffled  the  stars;  but  a 
deep  glow  lit  up  the  whole  northern  horizon.  Here  and 
there  great  banks  of  lurid  light  were  rising  on  the  night, 
— the  reflection  of  half  a  hundred  conflagrations.  Evidently 
the  upper  part  of  the  city  was  in  a  blaze ;  and  perhaps  the 
commandant  was  right,  —  the  cargo  of  muskets  might  only 
serve  to  arm  the  rioters. 

As  the  boat  touched  the  pier  I  sprang  ashore,  and  was 
accosted  by  the  old  man  who  had  ferried  me  over  to  the 
island.  "  I  saw  the  boat  a-coming,"  he  said,  "  and  come 
tiown  to  warn  you.  The  Trylune  is  burned  to  the  ground, 
and  a  mob  of  ten  thousand  is  emptin'  all  the  banks  in  Wall 
Street.  If  ye  go  up,  every  musket'll  be  taken." 

The  captain  of  the  steamer  coincided  in  this  opinion, 
and  for  a  moment  I  hesitated.  Then,  looking  at  the  sky, 
and  seeing  no  fire  in  the  region  of  the  Park,  I  turned  to  the 
old  sailor  and  asked  :  "  Can  you  get  me  a  trusty  man  and  a 
wagon  ?  I'll  pay  you  well  for  your  trouble." 

"  I've  had  pay  enough,"  said  the  old  man.  "  I'm  at  your 
orders  the  rest  of  to-night  free  gratis ; "  and  at  once  he  set 
off  to  find  a  drayman.  In  about  ten  minutes  he  returned 
with  a  dray  and  an  Irishman,  who  expressed  a  readiness, 
for  a  consideration,  to  drive  his  dray,  freighted  with  fire- 


184  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

brands,  into  the  hottest  part  of  the  infernal  regions;  and 
in  a  quarter  of  an  hour  the  vehicle  was  loaded,  and  he  had 
taken  the  reins  of  his  animal.  Then  I  took  the  old  sailor 
aside,  and  said  to  him : 

"  Old  man,  I  can  trust  you,  or  I'm  no  judge  of  faces. 
These  are  muskets  to  arm  the  Tribune  building.  I  must 
go  ahead  to  see  that  the  coast  is  clear,  and  I  want  you  to 
take  this  revolver  and  ride  along  with  the  drayman.  See 
that  he  goes  directly  up  Pearl  Street,  and  stops  at  the 
corner  of  Franklin  Square,  and  does  not  exchange  a  word 
with  any  one." 

"Ay,  ay,  sir,"  answered  the  old  man,  his  eyes  glowing 
like  coals  in  the  gaslight;  "  I'll  stand  by  ye,  sir,  if  you  are 
a  black  Republican." 

Then  I  mounted  to  the  top  of  an  omnibus  to  go  up 
Broadway,  and,  looking  back,  saw  the  heavily  loaded  dray 
creeping  slowly  around  the  south  side  of  Bowling  Green  on 
the  way  to  its  destination. 

It  was  now  nearly  ten  o'clock,  and  I  was  still  uncertain 
whether  the  Tribune  building  were  not  already  a  heap  of 
ashes.  My  way  was  slow,  for  the  street  was  a  turbulent 
river  of  men  and  wagons ;  but  at  last  I  came  abreast  of  the 
Park,  and  saw  the  well-known  sign  and  a  flame  of  gas- 
light streaming  down  from  the  upper  windows.  A  dense 
mass  of  men,  hooting,  shouting,  and  yelling,  filled  every 
open  space  around  the  building. 

The  Spruce  Street  entrance  was  bolted  and  barred,  but  I 
made  myself  heard,  and,  entering  the  building,  announced 
the  reinforcement.  This  done,  I  made  my  way  to  Franklin 
Square,  where  the  dray  was  just  pulling  up  at  the  street 
corner.  Requesting  the  Irishman  to  get  down,  I  took  the 
reins,  and  started  the  jaded  horse  towards  Printing  House 
Square.  Soon  after  we  turned  into  Spruce  Street,  some 


THE  TRIBUNE  IN  THE  DRAFT  RIOTS.  185 

thirty  policemen  emerged  from  the  shadow  of  the  opposite 
warehouses,  and  quietly  formed  a  cordon  around  the  slow- 
paced  vehicle.  Not  a  word  was  said,  but  it  was  evident 
that  they  knew  their  business.  As  they  went  on,  bran- 
dishing their  clubs,  the  crowd  parted,  and  in  ten  minutes, 
amid  the  jeers,  groans,  and  yells  of  the  mob,  the  huge 
boxes  were  hoisted  into  the  second  story  of  the  Tribune 
building. 

The  fortress  was  now  armed,  but  the  peril  was  not  over. 
About  a  score  of  gentlemen,  hearing  that  the  building  was 
in  danger,  had  come  in  with  revolvers,  rifles,  or  the  first 
weapon  they  could  lay  hands  on;  and  the  garrison  then 
numbered,  all  told,  perhaps  a  hundred  and  twenty-five 
men,  every  one  of  them  determined  to  sell  his  life  at  its 
highest  market  value.  But  could  they  resist  an  attack 
from  the  fierce,  tumultuous  mob  that  was  then  surging  in 
black  waves  all  around  the  building?  This  question  waa 
in  my  mind  as  I  turned  to  ascend  to  the  fourth  story, 
thinking,  as  I  did  so,  of  being  roasted  like  a  live  eel  upon  a 
gridiron.  Close  behind  me  was  the  old  longshoreman,  and  I 
said  to  him  :  "  Old  man,  you  have  done  enough  for  to-night. 
You  had  better  go  home.  Every  man  that  stays  in  this 
building  may  be  in  eternity  before  morning." 

"  I  know,  sir ;  but  I  told  you  I  was  at  your  orders  for 
the  rest  of  to-night.  I  never  go  back  on  my  word." 

Little  more  was  said,  and  the  old  man  followed  me  up 
the  stairway. 

The  view  from  the  upper  windows  would  have  made  the 
most  incorrigible  free-thinker  a  convert  to  the  orthodox 
theology.  There  was  no  need  of  texts  or  arguments;  for 
the  doctrines  were  all  there,  —  total  depravity,  and  the 
devil  and  his  angels,  shouting,  and  hooting,  and  yelling,  in 
living  reality  on  the  pavement.  A  hundred  muskets  dis- 


186  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

charged  among  the  rioters  would  have  no  more  effect  than 
a  bundle  of  firecrackers  let  off  among  so  many  boys  on  a 
Fourth-of-July  morning.  The  discharge  would  only  inflame 
their  blood  and  rouse  them  to  greater  fury. 

I  had  come  to  this  conclusion,  when  my  arm  was  touched 
lightly  by  a  reporter,  who  asked  me  to  step  into  the  room 
of  the  managing  editor.  The  arms  had  been  unboxed,  and 
the  hundred  guns  and  ammunition  had  been  ranged  on  the 
long  table  in  the  library.  The  reporter,  a  keen,  inquisitive 
Yankee  from  Connecticut,  had  assisted  in  the  operation, 
and,  taking  it  into  his  head  to  load  one  of  the  muskets,  had 
discovered  that  the  cartridge  was  not  adapted  to  the  barrel. 
He  tried  several  and  found  them  all  misfits.  The  armorer 
at  Governor's  Island,  in  the  haste  of  getting  the  arms 
ready,  had  put  up  the  wrong  ammunition,  and  the  muskets 
were  absolutely  useless.  With  admirable  discretion  the 
young  man  had  mentioned  the  mischief  to  no  one  but  the 
managing  editor. 

Evidently  the  building  was  completely  at  the  mercy  of 
the  rioters;  but  what  force  cannot  do,  strategy  can  some- 
times accomplish.  The  mob  had  seen  the  huge  cases 
hoisted  into  the  building ;  and  a  hundred  muskets  boxed 
up,  each  gun  with  forty  rounds  of  ammunition,  look,  to 
any  but  a  military  eye,  like  a  complete  arsenal.  "  You  can 
get  out  safely,"  said  I  to  the  old  longshoreman.  "  They'll 
not  think  you  belong  to  the  Tribune.  Go  over  to  the 
police  office  in  the  Park,  give  my  compliments  to  Inspector 
Carpenter,  and  tell  him  that  the  mob  intend  to  attack  the 
building  at  eleven  o'clock ;  and  suggest  to  him  to  let  some 
of  his  men  mix  with  the  crowd  and  talk  together  of  how 
we  are  loaded  up  to  the  muzzle.  That  may  keep  them 
off  over  night  And,  old  fellow,  when  you  get  out,  stay 
out." 


THE  TRIBUNE  IN  THE  DRAFT  EIOTS.  187 

The  old  man  wedged  his  way  safely  through  the  throng, 
and  in  fifteen  minutes  the  mob  seemed  to  sway  to  and  fro, 
as  if  moved  by  some  invisible  force,  and  soon  little  knots  of 
the  more  savage-looking  were  seen,  here  and  there,  to  talk 
earnestly  together. 

So  the  night  wore  away  until  the  City  Hall  clock  told 
that  the  hour  fixed  upon  for  the  attack  was  closely  approach- 
ing. Outside  all  again  had  become  noise  and  tumult,  but 
inside  everything  was  as  staid  as  a  Quaker  meeting.  The 
volunteers  were  standing  idly  at  their  guns;  the  printers 
were  clicking  busily  away  at  their  types ;  the  reporters 
were  writing  rapidly  at  their  desks,  each  one  stripped  to 
his  shirt-sleeves,  and  with  here  and  there  a  loaded  revolver 
beside  him ;  and  Mr.  Gay,  with  his  spectacles  on  his  nose, 
was  perched  on  a  tall  stool  in  his  sanctum,  inditing  an 
editorial  that  branded  the  mob  as  the  rear-guard  of  Lee's 
army  as  coolly  as  if  those  muskets  were  loaded,  or  the  riot 
had  gone  into  history,  and  he  were  scoring  it  at  the  safe 
distance  of  half  a  century. 

But  suddenly  this  quiet  was  broken, — as  suddenly  as  the 
air  is  rent  by  the  first  rush  of  a  hurricane.  Coming  up  as 
if  from  the  very  bowels  of  the  earth,  a  long  yell  echoed 
through  every  corner  of  the  building.  It  was  the  signal  of 
attack, — so,  at  least,  it  sounded  to  the  hearers.  Every 
man  on  the  fourth  floor  caught  up  his  rifle  or  revolver,  and 
took  his  appointed  station  by  the  windows,  and  a  moment 
of  intense  suspense  followed. 

Streaming  from  Broadway  into  the  Park  was  a  gang  of 
about  three  hundred  ruffians,  mostly  in  red  shirts,  shouting 
and  yelling  like  fiends.  In  the  flaring  light  of  the  Park 
lamps  it  could  be  seen  that  every  one  of  them  was  armed, 
and  that,  though  they  moved  on  the  double-quick,  their 
step  had  the  precision  of  trained  soldiers.  They  were  the 


188  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

fiery  nucleus  of  the  entire  riot,  which,  wheresoever  it  had 
moved,  had  spread  devastation.  Fresh  from  the  sack  and 
burning  of  the  Shakespeare  Hotel,  they  had  come  to  crown 
their  night's  work  with  the  spoil  and  destruction  of  the 
Tribune.  It  was  for  them  that  the  mob  below  had  waited, 
and  the  long  yell  they  had  sent  up  was  a  shout  of  welcome. 
On  they  came  like  the  rushing  wind,  straight  across  the 
Park,  direct  for  the  Tribune  building.  As  they  came 
nearer  their  pace  increased,  and  clear  and  loud  their  tread 
sounded,  like  blow  after  blow  upon  the  cover  of  a  coffin. 
They  were  within  a  hundred  feet  of  the  nearest  Park  gate 
when  suddenly  a  tall  man  sprang  from  the  shadow  of  the 
high  iron  fence  which  then  encircled  the  Park  and,  waving 
his  club,  shouted :  "  Up,  boys,  and  at  them !  " 

There  have  been  beautiful  sights  in  the  heavens  above, 
and  on  the  earth  beneath  ;  but  to  none  of  that  small  garri- 
son, watching  there  with  bated  breath,  was  anything  ever 
more  beautiful  than  that  charge  of  Inspector  Carpenter  and 
his  glorious  squad  of  only  one  hundred  and  ten.  They  fell 
on  the  rioters  like  a  thunderbolt,  and,  surprised  and  panic- 
stricken,  the  ruffians  went  down  before  them  as  dry  leaves 
go  down  before  a  November  tornado.  In  precisely  three 
minutes  by  a  chronometer  watch  the  thing  was  done,  and 
those  of  the  three  hundred  who  were  not  on  the  ground 
dead  or  helpless,  were  fleeing  wildly  in  all  directions.  Ac- 
counts differ,  and  the  number  killed  cannot  be  accurately 
stated;  but  the  police  had  orders  to  "Hit  their  temples, 
strike  hard,  and  take  no  prisoners,"  and  they  followed 
their  instructions. 

This  work  was  no  sooner  over  than  we  heard  the  Inspec- 
tor's voice  again :  "  About  face,  men !  Form  outside  !  " 
and  in  less  time  than  it  takes  to  tell  it,  the  hundred  and 
ten  bluecoats  seemed  to  grow  together  into  a  solid  body, 


THE   TRIBUNE  IN   THE  DRAFT  RIOTS.  189 

—  about  twenty  men  front  and  five  or  six  deep,  —  on  the 
hither  side  of  the  Park  fence.  Then  once  more  rang  out 
the  voice  of  the  "  metropolitan  war-horse,"  Dan  Carpenter : 
"  Keep  together,  men,  —  steady,  now  forward,  double-quick, 
and  give  them  fury !  " 

Then — one  hundred  and  ten  welded,  as  it  were,  into 
one  —  they  moved  on,  mowing  a  broad  swath  through  the 
dense  mass  of  rioters  as  far  down  Nassau  Street  as 
Beekman,  then  up  Beekman  to  Park  Row,  at  the  point 
of  starting,  scattering  the  crowd  of  probably  ten  thou- 
sand like  frightened  deer,  —  all  but  those  they  left  on 
the  ground  killed  or  badly  wounded.  Twenty-two  were 
borne  away  dead;  the  wounded  were  never  counted, 
but  they  must  have  been  many,  for  not  less  than  a  thou- 
sand blows  were  dealt  by  that  compact  squad  on  its  deadly 
journey. 

Not  long  after  this  the  clouds,  which  had  been  gathering 
all  the  evening  and  night,  broke  over  our  heads,  and  the 
rain  came  down  from  the  merciful  heavens,  driving  the 
ruffians  to  their  holes,  and  leaving  Printing  House  Square 
to  its  wonted  quiet  till  the  sun  shone  down  upon  it  on  the 
morrow. 

Thus  did  the  Tribune  weather  the  first  day  of  the  storm 
that  shook  the  great  city.  The  police  did  their  work 
nobly ;  the  unloaded  muskets  were  not  without  their  influ- 
ence, but  more  effective  than  either  was  the  downpouring 
rain  from  heaven. 

It  was  about  four  o'clock  on  Tuesday  morning  when  Mr. 
Gay  and  I  stretched  ourselves  upon  a  couple  of  hard-bottom 
settees  in  the  editorial  rooms,  for  some  much-needed  sleep. 
How  it  was  with  the  others  in  the  building  I  do  not  know ; 
but  I  am  very  sure  that  I  myself  felt  no  concern  about  any- 
thing underneath  the  moon,  until  some  one  shook  me  by 


190  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

the  shoulder  on  the  following  day,  and  announced  that 
breakfast  had  come  in  from  the  Astor  House. 

Over  our  morning  coffee  Mr.  Gay  and  I  discussed  the 
situation.  We  had  the  whole  field  in  view,  for  the  brave 
reporters,  at  the  risk  of  their  lives,  had  mingled  with  the 
rioters,  witnessed  their  atrocities,  and  ascertained  that  it 
was  their  fixed  intention  to  raze  the  Tribune  building  to 
the  ground.  It  followed,  as  an  obvious  corollary,  that 
if  the  Tribune  would  preserve  its  existence,  it  must  set 
up  as  an  independent  nationality,  with  war-making  powers. 
In  other  words,  it  must  arm  itself  to  the  very  teeth,  and, 
looking  for  no  outside  aid,  resist  the  rioters  to  the  last 
extremity. 

This  decided  upon,  Mr.  Gay  returned  to  his  post,  and 
I  took  a  cab  and  with  all  possible  speed  made  my  way 
to  the  Brooklyn  Navy  Yard.  There  I  found  the  venerable 
Admiral  Paulding,  and,  making  known  to  him  the  situa- 
tion, I  asked  for  such  arms  as  would  do  the  most  effective 
execution  upon  the  rioters. 

There  was  a  pleasurable  gleam  in  the  old  veteran's  eyes, 
as  he  said :  "  It's  bombshells,  young  man, — bombshells  and 
hand-grenades,  —  and  I'll  give  you  enough  of  both  to  send 
ten  thousand  of  those  rascals  to  the  devil  to-night." 

Soon  two  heavy  wagons  were  loaded  with  hand-grenades, 
and  then  about  fifty  forty-pound  shells  were  brought  out, 
and  the  Admiral  with  his  own  hands  adjusted  the  fuses  so 
that  the  shells  would  explode  when  they  struck  the  pave- 
ment. Then  he  instructed  me  how  to  handle  the  death- 
dealing  missiles.  I  had  watched,  with  a  kind  of  amused 
admiration,  the  belligerent  zeal  of  the  white-haired  admi- 
ral, and  when  the  vehicles  were  ready  to  set  out  I  said  to 
hun :  "  I  thank  you  very  much  for  these  arms ;  but  I  hope 
to  return  them  all  to  you  when  this  trouble  is  over." 


THE  TEIBUNE  IN   THE  DEAFT  RIOTS.  191 

"  Don't  you  do  it,  young  man,"  said  the  old  admiral ; 
"  don't  return  one  of  them.  Plant  every  one  of  them  in 
Printing  House  Square  to-night.  If  you  do  there  never 
will  be  another  riot  in  New  York." 

At  the  Tribune  office,  on  my  return,  I  found  affairs  in 
a  state  of  astonishing  activity.  Col.  Julius  W.  Adams,  of 
the  Eighth  Long  Island  Regiment,  had  taken  command,  and 
was  proving  himself  to  be,  like  the  rain  of  the  previous  night, 
"  a  special  providence  "  for  the  protection  of  the  old  build- 
ing. Cool,  brave,  determined,  and  of  remarkable  skill  and 
resources,  he  saw  exactly  what  to  do,  and  before  noon  of 
that  Tuesday  had  done  it. 

As  has  been  said,  the  lower  story  lay  all  exposed,  with 
broken  doors  and  battered  windows.  Soon  every  opening 
upon  it  was  densely  barricaded  with  bales  of  printing-paper, 
thoroughly  saturated  with  water,  and  a  hose  was  attached 
to  the  huge  boiler  below,  so  that  the  whole  floor  could  be 
deluged  with  scalding  steam  in  an  instant.  Had  the  paper 
rampart  been  carried,  not  a  man  who  entered  there  would 
have  lived  to  get  out.  The  second  story  had  at  one  of  the 
windows  a  howitzer,  heavily  charged  with  grape  and  can- 
ister, and  at  the  others  huge  piles  of  hand-grenades.  The 
third  story  was  armed  in  a  similar  manner;  and  in  the 
larger  editorial  rooms  were  ranged,  in  a  grim  semicircle, 
near  one  of  the  front  windows,  Admiral  Paulding's  bomb- 
shells, of  which  I  was  in  special  command.1  These,  with  a 

1  In  a  letter  to  the  writer  of  this  sketch  Mr.  Cummings  refers  as  follows  to 
this  event : 

HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES, 
WASHINGTON,  D.  C.,  April  6, 1893. 

MY  DEAR  GILMOBE  :  —  I  had  forgotten  about  our  fighting,  bleeding,  and  dying 
together  in  the  TrUmne  office  during  the  draft  riot ;  but  true  it  is,  as  you  say. 
It  all  comes  back  to  me  as  vividly  as  though  it  were  yesterday.  One  thing  there 
I  shall  never  forget.  It  was  the  big,  round  shells  that  you  brought  over  from 
the  Navy  Yard,  and  the  wooden  troughs  that  were  to  run  out  from  the  windows 
to  roll  the  shells  out  on  the  heads  of  those  who  should  again  attack  the  office. 


192  PEE  SON AL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

brace  or  two  of  muskets,  now  capped  and  loaded,  at  every 
window,  a  hundred  and  fifty  determined  men,  and  Henry 
Ward  Beecher's  Sharp's  revolving  rifle  —  sent  by  him, 
with  his  "  compliments  to  the  rioters "  —  completed  the 
armament  of  the  building;  while  across  the  way,  in  the 
second  story  of  the  Times  building,  was  a  rifle  battery  of 
twenty-five  barrels,  manned  by  sailors  sent  from  the  Navy 
Yard  by  Admiral  Paulding. 

A  long  trough  had  been  provided  to  throw  the  bomb- 
shells into  the  middle  of  the  street,  and  away  from  the 
Tribune  building,  and  the  letting  off  of  one  of  these  shells 
was  to  be  the  signal  for  a  general  fusillade  from  both  the 
Times  and  Tribune  buildings.  Every  man  had  his  ap- 
pointed station,  and  each  floor  its  designated  commander, 
the  second  floor  being  under  Midshipman  Adams,  —  a  son 
of  the  colonel,  —  who  had  been  trained  to  load  and  fire 
cannon  with  great  rapidity. 

When  every  arrangement  had  been  made,  I  sat  down  to 
a  light  lunch  in  the  room  of  the  managing  editor,  and  over 
it  related  to  him  the  details  of  my  interview  with  Admiral 
Paulding.  "  That  is  too  good  to  be  lost,"  said  Mr.  Gay. 
"  Suppose  you  put  it  into  a  short  editorial  for  to-morrow's 
Tribune,  and  add  an  invitation  to  the  mob  to  come  on,  if 
they  want  what  Garfield  calls  *  Hail  Columbia ; ' "  and  this 
I  did. 

Into  this  arsenal  Mr.  Greeley  came  a  little  after  noon  on 

If  one  of  those  shells  had  dropped  npon  the  pavement  I  think  it  would  have 
blown  out  the  front  of  the  building.  I  wish  you  would  mention  the  fact  that  I 
was  not  the  only  compositor,  but  one  of  four,  who  remained  in  the  composing- 
room.  The  other  three  were  my  brother,  Sylvester  Bailey,  and  Peter  Hackett. 
I  took  command.  We  barricaded  the  doorway  with  "  turtles,"  —  of  course  you 
know  what  a  "  turtle  "  is.  We  piled  the  composing-stones  with  lead  and  "  shoot- 
ing-sticks," —  you  know  what  a  "  shooting-stick  "is,  —  and  if  that  gang  had  ever 
come  up  that  circular  iron  stairway,  there  would  have  been  enough  lead  spilt  to 
have  furnished  a  regiment  with  bullets  for  a  month.  Tours  truly, 

AMOS  J.  CUMMUTGS. 


THE  TRIBUNE  IN   THE  DRAFT  RIOTS.  193 

the  second  day  of  the  riots,  and,  entering  the  larger  edi- 
torial room,  he  gazed  around  at  the  loaded  muskets  ranged 
at  each  one  of  the  windows,  and  at  the  crowd  of  strange 
gentlemen  stripped  to  their  shirt-sleeves  and  "  ready  for 
the  fray;"  and  then  his  eye  fell  upon  the  semicircle  of 
bombshells  near  the  front  window.  "  What  are  these,  Mr. 
Gilmore  ?  "  he  asked  of  me,  as  I  sat  near  by,  smoking  my 
after-lunch  cigar. 

"Brimstone  pills  for  those  red  ragamuffins  down  there 
on  the  sidewalk." 

"  But  I  wanted  no  arms  brought  into  the  building,"  said 
the  philosopher,  with  a  grieved  expression. 

"  Oh,  yes ;  but  that  was  yesterday.  Now  this  building 
is  under  martial  law,  and  in  full  possession  of  these  linen- 
shirted  gentlemen,  Colonel  Adams  commanding." 

Without  further  remark  Mr.  Greeley  went  to  his  room, 
and  all  the  rest  of  the  day  was  deep  in  his  editorials.  Be- 
fore he  had  finished  his  last  leader,  friends  had  repeatedly 
gone  to  him  to  urge  his  leaving  the  building,  and  shortly 
before  dark  General  Busteed  came  in,  and  reported  to  him 
that  the  crowd,  which  was  rapidly  augmenting,  evidently 
meant  business,  and  that  it  would  be  absolute  madness  for 
him  to  stay  longer ;  but  he  quietly  replied,  "  I  am  not  quite 
through ;  I  will  go  in  a  few  minutes." 

At  last,  when  eight  o'clock  had  arrived,  Colonel  Adams 
came  to  Mr.  Gay  and  myself,  saying :  "  Mr.  Greeley  ought 
to  go.  The  mob  knows  he  is  here,  and  if  he  stays  it  is 
likely  they  will  attack  us.  The  consequence  will  be  a  good 
deal  of  useless  slaughter." 

"  Order  a  close  carriage,  and  insist  upon  his  leaving," 
said  Mr.  Gay,  scarcely  turning  about  from  his  writing. 

The  carriage  being  ordered,  Colonel  Adams  and  I  ap- 
proached Mr.  Greeley,  who  an  hour  or  two  before  had 


194  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

removed  from  his  own  to  the  large  editorial  room,  as  if  to 
make  his  presence  as  conspicuous  as  possible. 

Throughout  these  riots  Mr.  Greeley  showed  a  very  high 
order  of  bravery.  Strictly  denned,  it  may  not  have  been 
either  physical  or  moral  courage,  for  neither  of  these  quali- 
ties is  destitute  of  prudence ;  but  it  certainly  was  an  intel- 
lectual courage  which  mounted  to  the  heroic.  He  knew 
that  he  was  marked  out  as  a  special  victim  by  at  least  ten 
thousand  ruthless  ruffians,  who,  had  they  laid  hands  on 
him,  would  have  given  him  a  short  shrift  and  a  short  rope 
from  the  nearest  lamp-post ;  and  yet  he  came  and  went  as 
usual,  and  with  no  regard  whatever  for  his  personal  safety. 
He  evidently  felt  that  the  trial  day  of  his  life  had  come, 
and  had  made  up  his  mind  to  meet  it  like  a  man. 

Approaching  him  now,  I  said  :  "  Mr.  Greeley,  a  carriage- 
will  be  here  instantly.  We  want  you  to  leave  the  office." 

"  I'm  not  quite  ready ;  I'll  go  in  a  few  minutes,"  was  his 
quiet  answer. 

"  But,  sir,  we  insist  upon  your  going  now.  A  hundred 
and  fifty  of  us  are  risking  our  lives  to  defend  this  build- 
ing, and  you  have  no  right  to  add  to  our  danger." 

At  this  he  rose  slowly  to  his  feet,  and,  with  his  peculiar 
smile,  said  :  "  But  why  order  a  carriage,  Mr.  Gilmore  ?  I 
can  go  just  as  well  in  a  street-car." 

"  Nonsense,  sir,"  I  replied ;  "  you  couldn't  get  to  a  car. 
Look  down  there  and  see  the  kind  of  crowd  that  surrounds 
the  building." 

He  looked  down,  and  saw  what  might  have  made  a  man 
of  iron  nerve  feel  disinclined  for  any  nearer  acquaintance. 

"  Well,  they  are  a  hard-looking  set,"  he  said,  drawing  on 
his  coat.  "  Where  could  those  fellows  have  come  from  ?  " 

He  was  smuggled  into  the  carriage,  the  door  was  closed, 
and  he  was  well  on  his  way  down  Spruce  Street  before  the 


THE  TRIBUNE  IN  THE  DRAFT  RIOTS.  195 

crowd  appeared  to  notice  that  the  Spruce  Street  door  had 
been  opened.  As  I  was  about  to  reenter  the  building  I  felt 
a  light  touch  on  my  arm,  and,  turning  around,  saw  the  old 
longshoreman  who  had  rowed  me  over  to  Governor's  Island. 
"  Well,  are  you  alive  yet,  old  gentleman  ?"  I  asked,  jocosely. 

"Yes,  yer  honor,"  was  the  answer,  "and  I  want  ye  to 
let  me  into  the  building.  I  told  ye  I'd  see  the  dance  out, 
and  ye'll  have  warm  work  before  morning." 

The  old  man  had  done  essential  service  the  night  before, 
and  at  once  it  occurred  to  me  to  employ  him  again  in  a 
similar  manner.  So  I  drew  him  inside,  and,  closing  the 
door,  told  him  that  it  was  Mr.  Greeley  he  had  just  seen 
driving  away  in  a  carriage,  that  he  was  by  that  time  be- 
yond the  reach  of  the  mob,  and  that  the  building  was  then 
so  thoroughly  armed  that  the  first  discharge  from  it  would 
slay  a  thousand  of  the  rioters.  It  would  be  a  Christian 
deed  if  he  would  mix  with  the  mob  and  tell  them  this,  for 
he  might  thus  stave  off  an  attack  and  save  many  human 
lives. 

All  night  long  the  mob  surged  and  howled  around  the 
building,  but  they  forbore  an  assault  upon  it.  On  Wednes- 
day morning  the  Tribune  announced  editorially  that  it  was 
prepared  for  an  encounter  with  the  mob,  and  warned  the 
rioters  of  the  terrible  slaughter  that  would  follow  an  attack 
upon  the  building.  This,  no  doubt,  held  the  ruffians  at 
bay ;  but  for  two  days  longer  they  had  control  of  the  blood- 
deluged  city,  and  during  the  whole  of  that  time  there  was 
no  telling  at  what  hour  some  insane  freak  might  hurl  them 
in  tremendous  force  against  the  Tribune  building.  So  the 
garrison  stood  to  its  guns,  prepared  for  an  encounter  at 
any  moment.  For  four  days  and  nights  Mr.  Gay  and  I 
never  left  the  Tribune  editorial  apartments,  except  for  my 
brief  visit  to  Admiral  Paulding ;  therefore  we  had  full  op- 


196  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

portunity  to  observe  the  elements  of  which  the  mob  was 
composed.  We  did  not  observe  a  single  native-born  work- 
ingman  among  the  rioters.  The  mob  consisted  in  about 
equal  proportions  of  the  more  ignorant  of  our  foreign-born 
population,  and  of  the  criminal  class  that  lives  by  plunder, 
and  has  a  hand  against  every  man's  person  and  property. 

These  two  classes  exist  to-day  in  greater  strength  in 
every  one  of  our  large  cities  than  they  did  in  1863,  when 
for  four  days  and  nights  they  held  a  population  of  more 
than  a  million  souls,  and  the  untold  wealth  of  a  great  city, 
almost  completely  at  their  mercy.  All  honor  to  the  brave 
police,  and  to  the  intrepid  soldiery  who,  after  a  four  days' 
struggle  with  desperate  odds,  put  them  down,  and  restored 
peace  to  the  war-shaken  city.  But  it  took  four  days  to  put 
them  down,  and  it  could  have  been  done  in  four  hours,  had 
the  authorities  been  prepared  for  the  emergency. 

Therefore  the  lesson  of  the  riot  of  1863  is,  that  every 
large  municipality  should  be  in  constant  readiness  to  sup- 
press the  lawless  elements  that  ever  and  always  await 
only  a  convenient  occasion  to  break  out  into  murderous 
disorder.  The  speediest  and  most  vigorous  suppression  is 
the  most  merciful,  and  is  sure  to  be  attended  with  the  least 
loss  of  human  life.  On  ordinary  occasions  water  will 
suffice,  —  Croton  or  Cochituate,  applied  plentifully  by  the 
steam  fire-engines.  If  this  does  not  avail,  let  the  locust  be 
resorted  to,  in  the  shape  of  the  clubs  so  effectually  wielded 
by  Commissioner  Acton's  noble  army  to  the  saving  of  New 
York  City ;  and  both  of  these  failing,  and  the  mob,  as  it  did 
in  1863,  riding  triumphant  over  all  law  and  order,  then 
give  them  cold  iron,  —  in  shells  and  hand-grenades  from 
every  beleaguered  building,  and  in  grape  and  canister  from 
the  mouths  of  cannon,  which  shall  clear  the  streets  till  they 
are  as  empty  as  on  an  early  Sunday  morning.  These  are 


THE  TEIBUNE  IN  THE  DRAFT  RIOTS.  197 

the  lessons  of  the  New  York  riots  as  they  were  learned  by 
four  days'  and  nights'  observation  from  the  upper  window* 
of  the  old  Tribune  building. 

A  prominent  Copperhead  politician  to  whom  Mr.  Gay  had 
done  some  service  came  to  him  on  the  first  day  of  the  riots, 
warning  him  to  leave  the  city,  and  saying  that  the  riot  was 
not  merely  a  riot,  but  a  revolution  intended  to  further  the 
cause  of  Southern  independence.  Either  the  mob  had  gone 
beyond  the  control  of  its  leaders,  or  their  designs  from  the 
outset  had  been  more  bloody  than  had  been  disclosed  to 
this  gentleman.  At  any  rate,  he  was  appalled  and  horrified 
by  the  havoc  and  carnage  that  were  reigning ;  and  daily  he 
came  and  unbosomed  himself  of  his  distress  of  mind  to  his 
friend,  the  managing  editor.  He  was  guarded  in  his  refer- 
ence to  persons,  but  soon  Mr.  Gay  was  in  possession  of 
enough  to  identify  and  single  out  the  secret  leaders  of  the 
riots  from  among  the  prominent  men  of  the  Copperhead 
party.  Daily,  as  the  politician  made  these  disclosures,  Mr. 
Gay  communicated  them  to  me,  and  I  wrote  them  out  and 
forwarded  them  to  the  President  through  Samuel  Wilkinson, 
then  the  Washington  editor  of  the  Tribune,  to  be  by  him 
personally  handed  to  Mr.  Lincoln.  When  quiet  was  finally 
restored,  it  occurred  to  Mr.  Gay  and  myself  that  if  it  were 
generally  known  that  men  high  in  the  confidence  of  the 
Copperhead  party  had  been  the  secret  instigators  and  di- 
rectors of  the  riots,  the  honest  rank  and  file  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party  would  recoil  from  such  treason,  and  rally  more 
firmly  to  the  support  of  the  Union.  Mr.  Gay  could  not  use 
the  name  of  his  informant;  but  he  could  make  such  dis- 
closures as  would  lead  to  all  the  facts  coming  out  on  a 
searching  judicial  investigation.  But  who  among  the 
United  States  civil  officials  in  New  York  had  the  ability, 
the  loyalty,  and  the  courage  to  conduct  such  an  investiga- 


198  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

tion  ?  Not  one,  so  far  as  we  knew.  The  only  man  known 
to  us  who  possessed  all  the  qualities  for  the  work  was  my 
father-in-law,  Judge  John  W.  Edmonds.  The  judge  was 
then  at  his  country-seat  at  Lake  George,  and  could  not  be 
at  once  consulted ;  but  entertaining  no  question  that  he 
would  accept  the  position,  we  addressed  a  joint  letter  to 
Mr.  Lincoln,  recommending  his  appointment  as  special 
commissioner  to  investigate  the  origin  of  the  riots,  and 
giving  our  views  of  the  results  that  would  follow.  Then  I 
took  the  cars  and  proceeded  to  Lake  George  to  apprise 
Judge  Edmonds  of  the  appointment  that  had  been  asked 
for.  The  judge  listened  to  me  attentively,  and  when  I  had 
concluded,  said,  quietly:  "Do  you  know,  my  dear  boy, 
what  you  are  asking  for  me  ?  If  I  should  undertake  that 
work  my  life  wouldn't  be  worth  a  bad  half-dollar.  There's 
not  a  rough  in  New  York  who  wouldn't  shoot  me  on  sight ; 
but  my  time  is  about  up,  and  it  may  serve  the  country. 
You  can  tell  Mr.  Lincoln  that  I  will  accept  the  appoint- 
ment." 

After  a  few  days'  rest  with  the  judge  I  returned  to  New 
York,  and  lost  no  time  in  asking  Mr.  Gay  what  reply  had 
come  from  Mr.  Lincoln.  "  Not  one  word,"  was  the  an- 
swer. Then  he  at  once  telegraphed  Mr.  Wilkinson  to  call 
on  the  President  and  ask  for  a  reply  to  our  communication. 
Answer  came  in  about  an  hour,  to  this  purport :  "  I  have 
no  answer  to  make,"  says  Mr.  Lincoln.  "  I  never  before 
had  anything  asked  of  me  that  I  couldn't  say  yes  or  no  to ; 
but  to  this  I  can't  make  any  reply." 

Having  to  be  in  Washington  soon  afterwards  to  lay 
before  the  President  an  important  letter  I  had  just  received 
from  my  former  business  partner,  Mr.  Frederic  Kidder,  of 
Boston,  I  called  upon  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  about  my  first 
remark  to  him  was,  "  Mr.  Lincoln,  pray  tell  me  why  you 


THE   TRIBUNE  IN   THE  DRAFT  RIOTS.  199 

•couldn't  say  yes  or  no  to  our  recommendation  of  a  special 
commissioner  ?  " 

He  hesitated  for  a  moment,  then  in  his  peculiar,  half- 
bantering  manner  he  said,  "  Well,  you  see  if  I  had  said  no, 
I  should  have  admitted  that  I  dare  not  enforce  the  laws, 
and  consequently  have  no  business  to  be  President  of  the 
United  States.  If  I  had  said  yes,  and  had  appointed  the 
judge,  I  should  —  as  he  would  have  done  his  duty  —  have 
simply  touched  a  match  to  a  barrel  of  gunpowder.  You 
have  heard  of  sitting  on  a  volcano.  We  are  sitting  upon 
two ;  one  is  blazing  away  already,  and  the  other  will  blaze 
away  the  moment  we  scrape  a  little  loose  dirt  from  the  top 
of  the  crater.  Better  let  the  dirt  alone,  —  at  least  for  the 
present.  One  rebellion  at  a  time  is  about  as  much  as  we 
can  conveniently  handle." 

That  Mr.  Lincoln  was  right  was  subsequently  shown 
when  the  wide  Western  conspiracy  was  so  opportunely 
strangled  at  Chicago.  He  was  often  accused  of  being  too 
slow ;  but  if  he  had,  on  several  occasions,  moved  any  faster 
than  he  did  move,  the  war  might  have  had  a  different 
termination.  Subsequently,  soon  after  the  disclosure  of 
the  abortive  plan  to  capture  Camp  Douglas  at  Chicago,  he 
told  me  that  he  was  fully  informed  of  the  Western  con- 
spiracy when  he  omitted  to  appoint  Judge  Edmonds  to 
investigate  the  origin  of  the  New  York  riots. 

Mr.  Greeley  always  regarded  these  New  York  riots  as 
the  turning-point  in  the  war  for  the  Union.  He  once 
said  to  me,  "It  was  a  tidal  wave  which  struck  first  at 
Yicksburg,  Gettysburg,  Helena,  and  Port  Hudson,  and 
dealt  its  last  and  worst  blow  here  in  the  Tribune  building, 
and  this  city  of  New  York,  where  the  ideas  and  vital  aims 
of  the  Rebellion  are  more  generally  prevalent  than  even  in 
South  Carolina.  If  it  had  not  been  successfully  resisted 


200  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

here,  it  would  have  swept  over  the  North,  and  broken  the 
Union  into  fragments." 

Having  been  so  long  in  close  relations  with  Mr.  Greeley, 
it  may  be  expected  that  I  shall  attempt  some  analysis  of 
his  character  and  account  of  his  characteristics ;  but  this- 
would  seem  to  be  unnecessary,  for  he  is  already  as  widely 
and  truthfully  known  as  any  public  man  of  this  century. 
What  impressed  me  "most  in  him  was  the  breadth  and 
clearness  of  his  intellect;  his  ardent  and  disinterested 
patriotism  ;  his  inborn  honesty,  that  made  him  recoil  from 
every  shadow  of  deceit  and  double-dealing;  his  tenacious 
adherence  to  what  he  thought  was  right,  in  the  face  of 
pecuniary  loss  and  public  censure ;  the  patience  with  which 
he  bore  reproof  when  it  had  truth  as  its  basis,  and  hia 
single-minded  devotion  to  the  interests  of  the  bread-win- 
ning class  to  which  he  belonged.  His  highest  aim  in  life 
was  to  uplift  the  working  classes,  —  his  chief  thought  to 
elevate  them  in  "  body,  mind,  and  estate."  I  well  remem- 
ber the  gleam  of  joy  that  overspread  his  face,  when,  early 
in  the  riots,  I  told  him  that  I  had  not  observed  a  single 
American  workingman  among  the  lawless  rabble  that 
beleaguered  the  Tribune  building. 

But  he  had  faults,  or  rather  decided  weaknesses,  which 
the  honest  chronicler  cannot  pass  over  in  silence,  however 
much  he  may  admire  his  many  great  qualities.  He  was 
erratic.  While  aiming  solely  at  all  central  truth,  he  was 
ever  liable  to  fly  off  upon  tangents.  The  least  disturbing 
force  would  swerve  him  from  his  course,  and  it  required  a 
firm  and  steady  hand  to  keep  him  in  the  right  direction.  I 
think  that  only  two  men  —  Charles  A.  Dana  and  Sidney 
Howard  Gay  —  were  ever  able  to  absolutely  control  him. 
They  harnessed  his  great  powers,  directed  where  the  light- 


THE  TRIBUNE  IN   THE  DRAFT  RIOTS.  201 

ning  should  strike,  and  so  gave  the  Tribune  the  tremendous 
influence  it  wielded  during  the  war  period.  He  was  open 
to  flattery,  and  so  the  easy  dupe  of  worthless  parasites. 
He  had  an  inordinate  love  of  notoriety,  which  led  him,  in 
the  earlier  part  of  his  career,  into  eccentricities  of  dress 
and  manner ;  but  this  foible  he  had  outgrown  when  I  knew 
him,  and  his  dress  and  manners  were  much  like  those  of 
other  men. 

I  might  fill  this  chapter  with  incidents  exhibiting  his 
characteristics,  but  I  have  space  for  but  two,  one  illustrat- 
ing his  sympathy  with  the  working  classes,  the  other,  his 
patience  under  the  reproof  of  even  a  subordinate. 

I  was  reading  proofsheets  in  Mr.  Gay's  room  one  winter 
night,  when  two  poorly  clad  women  entered,  and  asked  if 
they  could  have  a  brief  interview  with  Mr.  Greeley.  I 
answered  that  he  was  very  busy,  and  a  half-dozen  gentle- 
men were  waiting  to  see  him,  but  if  they  could  wait,  he 
would  probably  give  them  an  audience.  They  were  willing 
to  wait,  so  I  ushered  them  into  Mr.  Greeley's  apartment, 
and  seated  them  where  they  could  not  fail  to  attract  his 
attention.  He  was  at  his  desk,  with  his  back  to  the  door, 
absorbed  in  an  editorial,  and  wholly  unmindful  of  his  wait- 
ing visitors,  every  one  of  whom  was  a  prominent  man  of  his 
party.  The  women  were  meanly  clad  in  straw  bonnets, 
calico  gowns,  and  faded  worsted  shawls,  too  thin  to  be 
much  protection  against  the  inclement  weather.  Curious 
to  see  what  kind  of  a  reception  he  would  give  the  women, 
I  lingered  near  the  doorway  till  he  had  finished  his  edi- 
torial. This  done,  he  turned  about  and  glanced  at  his  visi- 
tors. The  gentlemen  were  all  known  to  him,  and  had 
been  in  waiting  half  an  hour,  but  giving  them  only  casual 
attention,  he  rose,  and  said  courteously  to  the  women, 
"  Ladies,  what  can  I  do  for  you  ?  " 


202  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

The  younger  of  the  two,  who,  even  in  her  wretched  garb, 
was  decidedly  good-looking,  stepped  timidly  forward,  and 
explained  their  errand.  They  were  employees  in  a  hoop- 
skirt  factory,  where  the  workwomen  had  the  day  before 
suspended  work,  and  demanded  an  increase  of  wages. 

"  What  pay  do  you  get  ?  "  asked  Mr.  Greeley. 

"Three  dollars  and  a  half  a  week,"  was  the  timid 
answer. 

"  And  how  muclTof  that  goes  for  your  board  ?  " 

«  Three  dollars." 

"  Do  you  mean  to  say  that  you  have  only  fifty  cents  a 
week  for  your  clothes  and  other  necessaries  ? " 

"  That  is  all,"  answered  the  woman,  in  a  faltering  voice, 
a  deep  blush  overspreading  her  features. 

Her  look  and  tone,  more  than  her  words,  revealed  the 
woman's  history.  Mr.  Greeley  read  it,  and  in  a  quick  way 
said,  "  It's  a  shame,  —  a  burning  shame  !  You  want  me 
to  expose  these  men.  I  will  do  it.  They  shall  have  a 
column  in  to-morrow's  Tribune.1"  Then  speaking  to  me,  he 
said,  "  Sub  Rosa,  be  kind  enough  to  show  these  ladies  to 
the  stairway,  and  (drawing  my  ear  down  to  him,  and 
speaking  in  a  lower  tone)  look  at  their  thin  clothes, — 
give  them  ten  or  twenty  dollars  ;  I'll  pay  it." 

I  said  to  the  younger  woman,  as  we  reached  the  door  of 
the  outer  editorial  room,  "  Did  you  hear  what  Mr.  Greeley 
said  to  me  ?  " 

"  Yes,  sir,"  she  answered,  "  but  we  do  not  want  alms,  — 
we  ask  for  justice,  not  charity." 

"  He  does  not  consider  it  charity.  His  principle  is  to 
divide  his  larger  earnings  with  those  who  are  underpaid. 
He  thinks  it  a  duty ;  and  he  will  be  pained,  perhaps 
offended,  if  you  refuse  the  money." 

"We  wouldn't  offend   him   for   the   world,"    said   the 


THE  TRIBUNE  IN   THE  DRAFT  RIOTS.  203 

woman ;  "  but  if  we  take  it,  you'll  let  us  go  back  and  thank 
him?" 

"  Oh,  no  !  "  I  answered,  "  not  while  those  gentlemen  are 
with  him.  Some  other  time,  if  you  catch  him  alone,  you 
may  say  what  you  please  to  him." 

As  she  took  the  bank-note  that  I  tendered  her,  she  said, 
"  I  shall  pray  God  to  bless  both  him  and  you,  sir ; "  and 
when  they  went  away  I  felt  that  "  it  is  more  blessed  to  give 
than  to  receive,"  even  when  one  gives  another  man's 
money. 

Soon  after  I  returned  to  my  seat  his  visitors  left  him, 
and  I  heard  Mr.  Greeley  call,  "  Sub  Rosa ! "  On  my 
appearing  in  the  doorway,  he  asked,  "  Did  those  women 
take  the  money  ?  " 

"  Yes,"  I  answered.  "  A  twenty-dollar  bill,  —  I  had 
nothing  smaller ;  but  I'll  compromise  with  you  for  ten." 

"  No,  you  won't,"  he  said,  fumbling  in  his  pockets  for  the 
money.  "  But  I  haven't  a  dollar.  You'll  have  to  get  it 
of  Sinclair ;  and  mind,  if  you  don't  collect  the  whole  we'll 
have  a  row." 

The  other  incident  I  shall  relate  shows  another  phase  of 
his  character.  It  was  told  to  me  by  the  Hon.  Amos  J. 
Cummings,  who  was  one  of  the  printers  present  at  the 
occurrence.  Mr.  Greeley  wrote  a  wretched  hand,  hard  for 
the  printers  to  decipher,  but  he  exacted  from  them  a  rigid 
observance  of  copy,  and  any  departure  from  his  text  was 
sure  to  bring  upon  the  offending  typesetter  a  hurricane  of 
vituperation.  The  least  departure  he  was  sure  to  discover, 
for  each  morning  he  scanned  the  Tribune,  from  initial  letter 
to  finis,  as  regularly  as  he  took  his  breakfast.  On  the 
occasion  referred  to,  the  rascally  types  had  made  him  say 
precisely  what  he  did  not  intend  to  say,  —  that  which  was, 
in  fact,  in  direct  opposition  to  the  oft-expressed  sentiments 


204  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

of  his  newspaper  and  his  party ;  and  flaming  with  wrath  he 
entered  his  office  on  the  following  day,  and,  ascending  to 
the  composing-rooms  with  the  Tribune  in  his  hand,  he 
demanded  to  know,  in  the  highest  key  of  which  his  voice 
was  capable,  "  What  d — d  fool  set  up  this  editorial  ?  Let 
me  look  at  him." 

The  printers  had  discovered  the  blunder  the  night  before, 
and  a  general  consultation  had  been  held  over  it,  at  which 
they  had  decided  to  obey  their  standing  instructions,  which 
were :  "  Follow  Copy  Always."  Knowing  very  well  what 
was  coming,  they  now  gathered  around  the  great  editor, 
the  offending  typesetter  among  them  with  the  manuscript 
of  the  article  in  his  pocket. 

"Who  set  up  this  editorial?"  again  demanded  Mr. 
Greeley. 

"I  did,  sir,"  answered  the  guilty  compositor,  coming 
forward  with  an  assumed  air  of  trembling  timidity.  There- 
upon the  winds  broke  loose,  and  there  descended  upon  the 
offending  printer  a  storm  of  thunder,  lightning,  and  blue 
blazes.  When  it  had  partially  subsided  the  printer  meekly 
remarked,  "  But  I  followed  copy,  sir." 

This  Mr.  Greeley  denied,  and  another  storm  of  unprint- 
able adjectives  followed.  At  a  break  in  the  storm  the  type- 
setter drew  the  manuscript  from  his  pocket,  and,  with  his 
finger  upon  the  offending  paragraph,  handed  it  to  the  editor, 
saying,  "  Be  good  enough  to  look  at  your  copy,  Mr. 
Greeley." 

As  the  great  man  did  so  his  face  fell,  and  he  let  the 
manuscript  drop  to  the  floor.  Then  glancing  around  upon 
the  score  of  assembled  printers,  all  of  whom  were  of  less 
stature  than  himself,  he  said,  in  a  tone  of  abject  imbecility, 
"Is  there  nobody  here  big  enough  to  kick  me  down- 
stairs ?  " 


THE  TRIBUNE  IN  THE  DRAFT  RIOTS.  205 

But,  with  all  his  eccentricities  and  shortcomings,  Horace 
Oreeley  was  a  great  man,  —  undisciplined,  ill-regulated,  but 
great,  —  and  measured  by  his  influence  upon  his  time,  and 
on  the  upward  progress  of  the  American  people,  it  may  be 
questioned  if  this  country  has  produced  any  greater,  except- 
ing only  Benjamin  Franklin. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

THE  PROPOSED  RECESSION  OP  NORTH  CAROLINA. 

NOT  long  ago  a  Yale  professor  inquired  of  me  at  what 
college  I  had  been  graduated.  I  answered  that  I  took  my 
degree  from  a  Boston  counting-room,  where  I  had  as  pre- 
ceptors two  excellent  gentlemen,  the  senior  of  whom  was  for 
seven  successive  terms  a  member  of  the  council  of  Governor 
Briggs,  of  Massachusetts,  and  a  political  writer  of  rare 
ability ;  the  junior,  a  historian  of  some  reputation  among 
readers  of  early  New  England  history,  and  enough  of  a 
Latin  scholar  to  translate  "  Necessitas  non  habet  legem  "  as 
"  Root,  pig,  or  perish." 

But,  if  somewhat  eccentric  as  a  Latin  scholar,  and  only 
known  as  a  historian  by  those  who  dig  about  the  roots  of 
New  England  history,  this  younger  preceptor  of  mine, 
Mr.  Frederic  Kidder,  was  a  first-class  man  of  business, 
with  broad  views,  unerring  judgment,  and  a  Pauline 
suavity  of  manner  that  made  him  all  things  to  all  men,  — 
to  all  at  least  who  had  a  bale  of  cotton  that  might  be  con- 
signed to  the  house  of  J.  R.  Gilmore  &  Co.  Moreover,  he 
knew  the  Southern  country  and  the  Southern  people  far 
better  than  he  knew  the  Latin  grammar.  He  was  for 
several  years  my  business  partner,  and,  though  twenty 
years  my  elder,  and  as  unlike  me  as  chalk  is  unlike  cheese, 
we  never  had  a  single  disagreement.  We  were  often  styled 
the  "  Siamese  twins ; "  but  we  might  better  have  been  com- 

206 


PROPOSED  RECESSION.  207 

pared  to  a  span  of  horses  that  Judge  Edmonds  once  owned, 
and  which  he  used  to  say  were  perfectly  matched,  for  one 
was  willing  to  go  and  the  other  was  willing  to  let  him. 

Mr.  Kidder  retired  from  our  New  York  firm  in  1856, 
and  then  returned  to  Boston,  where  he  devoted  himself  to 
church-building  and  doing  good  generally ;  but  he  kept  up 
his  intimacy  with  me  by  a  frequent  correspondence  and  an 
occasional  visit  to  my  home  in  New  York.  One  of  his 
visits  was  about  the  time  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  first  election  to 
the  presidency ;  and  he  then  expressed  the  opinion  that  the 
consequences  of  that  event  would  be  the  secession  of  the 
Slave  States,  and  actual  war,  if  the  new  President  should 
attempt  to  enforce  the  Constitution. 

To  my  inquiry  if  the  result  would  be  disunion,  hi& 
answer  was,  "  No,  not  if  the  Government  should  adopt  the 
British  plan  for  subduing  the  revolted  colonies,  which  was 
to  separate  the  New  England  from  the  middle  colonies ;  the 
middle  colonies  from  the  more  southern,  and  beat  them  all 
in  detail."  This  plan,  he  thought,  would  have  inevitably 
succeeded  but  for  the  interposition  of  the  Captain  of  the 
Lord's  Host,  who  brought  about  the  surrender  of  Burgoyne 
and  the  battle  of  King's  Mountain,  —  the  two  events  which 
he  considered  the  turning-points  of  the  war  of  the  Revolution. 

When  I  asked  how  he  would  apply  this  plan  to  the 
Southern  States,  Mr.  Kidder  said  that  he  would  first 
capture  Charleston,  and  then  separate  the  Cotton  from  the 
Border  States,  by  a  series  of  army  posts  running  from 
Charleston  westward  to  the  Mississippi.  That  done,  he 
would  patrol  the  Mississippi  River  with  gunboats,  and 
closely  blockade  every  port  on  the  Atlantic  and  the  Gulf 
of  Mexico.  Thus  shut  off  from  the  Border  States  and  her- 
metically sealed  up,  the  Cotton  States  would  soon,  he 
thought,  come  to  their  senses  and  beg  to  be  readmitted  to 


208  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

the  Union.  If  the  Tobacco  States  should  also  secede,  he 
would  subject  them  to  a  similar  treatment,  keeping  them 
so  separated  from  the  Cotton  States  that  it  would  be 
impossible  for  one  to  support  the  other. 

Mr.  Kidder  was  not  again  at  my  home  until  the  summer 
of  1862,  and  then  I  related  to  him  my  first  interview  with 
Mr.  Lincoln,  and  mentioned  that  his  plan  for  subduing  the 
revolted  States  had  seemed  to  strike  the  President  forcibly. 

He  said  at  once, ""  And  now  is  just  the  time  to  put  the 
plan  in  operation.  Ned  writes  me  that  there  is  strong 
dissatisfaction  with  the  Confederacy  throughout  North 
Carolina,  and  I  think  that  through  Governor  Vance  the 
State  might  be  brought  back  into  the  Union.  That  done, 
the  Confederacy  would  be  cut  in  two,  and  the  two  ends 
might  be  easily  handled.  I  will  write  to  Ned  about  it." 

"  Ned "  was  his  brother,  Mr.  Edward  Kidder,  a  promi- 
nent citizen  of  North  Carolina,  who,  though  a  resident  of 
Wilmington  throughout  the  war,  and  an  intimate  friend  of 
Governor  Vance,  was  a  zealous  supporter  of  the  Union.  By 
means  of  the  blockade-runners  that  plied  between  Wilming- 
ton and  Nassau,  New  Providence,  the  two  brothers  had 
corresponded  with  considerable  regularity,  and  now  Fred- 
eric wrote  to  Edward  asking  if  measures  could  not  be  taken 
to  bring  about  the  recession  of  North  Carolina.  To  this 
Edward  replied  that  he  thought  the  project  to  be  feasible, 
and  that,  if  the  attempt  were  properly  supported  by  our 
Government,  Governor  Vance  could,  he  thought,  be  induced 
to  cooperate  with  it,  which  would  make  it  successful, 
because  Vance  was  all-powerful  with  the  State  Legislature. 
The  recession  of  North  Carolina,  Edward  Kidder  said,  would 
cut  the  Confederacy  in  two,  and  would  doubtless  result  in 
its  destruction.  He  suggested  that  Wilmington  should  be 
made  the  point  of  attack.  That  city  captured,  a  death- 


PROPOSED  RECESSION.  209 

blow  would  be  given  to  blockade-running,  and,  the  supply 
of  foreign  arms  and  ammunition  once  cut  off,  not  only 
would  the  Confederate  armies  be  crippled,  but  North  Caro- 
lina would  be  fully  restored  to  the  Union ;  for  the  loyal 
sentiment  there  was  strong,  and  it  only  needed  a  rallying- 
point  and  the  support  of  a  strong  body  of  United  States 
troops  to  make  it  overwhelming. 

This  letter  Frederic  Kidder  forwarded  to  me,  suggesting 
that  I  should  lay  it  before  Mr.  Lincoln.  I  did  not  at  once 
do  this,  as  I  desired  before  doing  so  to  be  more  fully  in- 
formed in  regard  to  the  strength  of  the  Union  sentiment  in 
North  Carolina.  Accordingly,  I  wrote  Frederic  Kidder  to 
ask  his  brother  to  give  us,  if  he  could  do  so  with  safety 
to  himself,  the  exact  state  of  public  feeling  in  North  Caro- 
lina, the  names  of  the  prominent  men  who  could  be  relied 
on  to  support  a  Union  movement,  and  the  real  sentiments 
of  Governor  Vance,  who,  I  was  told,  was  decidedly  inimical 
to  the  Jeff  Davis  government;  and  I  added  that  if  his 
reply  showed  the  plan  to  be  feasible,  I  would  lay  it 
promptly  before  Mr.  Lincoln,  through  Robert  J.  Walker, 
whose  influence  was  very  strong  with  the  President.  This 
was  in  February,  1863,  some  weeks  before  I  knew  of  Mr. 
Walker's  intention  to  go  very  soon  to  Europe  to  negotiate 
the  5-20  loan. 

Frederic  Kidder  replied  to  me  that  he  had  forwarded  my 
letter  to  his  brother,  with  whom  he  could  communicate 
with  absolute  safety,  through  a  captain  who  had  sailed  for 
Edward  Kidder  in  the  European  trade  for  twenty  years, 
and  was  then  in  the  service  of  a  blockade-runner  plying  at 
pretty  regular  intervals  between  Nassau,  New  Providence, 
and  Wilmington,  N.  C. 

Answer  came  from  Edward  Kidder  in  April,  —  a  brief 
letter  saying  that  he  could  not  then  send  a  reply  to  his 


210  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

brother's  communication.  He  had  written  one,  but  as  the 
letter  might  be  deemed  treasonable,  and  get  the  captain 
into  trouble  if  it  were  found  in  his  possession,  he  had  felt 
bound  to  read  it  to  him.  He  had  done  so,  and  the  captain 
had  bluntly  refused  to  be  the  bearer  of  such  a  missive. 
The  officer  in  charge  of  the  Confederate  mails,  he  said, 
might  at  any  moment  demand  to  see  his  papers,  and  that 
letter  found  among  them  would  inevitably  consign  Edward 
Kidder  to  the  gallows  and  his  property  to  confiscation. 
The  captain  would  not  be  a  party  to  his  benefactor's  ruin ; 
he  would,  however,  conceal  this  letter  in  the  lining  of  his  coat 
and  mail  it  at  Nassau.  A  postscript  to  the  letter,  written 
in  pencil,  said,  "  Examine  closely  whatever  you  receive 
from  me." 

This  postscript,  which  probably  had  not  been  seen  by  the 
captain,  led  Frederic  Kidder  to  inspect  carefully  a  bag  of 
peanuts  that  he  received  from  his  brother,  through  the  cap- 
tain, early  in  the  July  following.  The  bag  contained  a 
long  letter  from  Edward  Kidder,  and  a  diagram  of  the 
fortifications  around  Wilmington,  both  on  tissue-paper. 
The  letter  answered  fully  the  questions  I  had  asked,  and 
stated  that  Mr.  Kidder  had  sounded  Governor  Vance  on  the 
subject  of  peace  with  the  Confederacy;  but  he  had  not 
deemed  it  prudent  to  as  yet  refer  to  any  separate  action  by 
North  Carolina.  That  subject  he  reserved  to  bring  up  in 
case  of  the  failure  of  a  general  negotiation.  Vance  was 
anxious  for  any  peace  compatible  with  honor.  He  regarded 
slavery  as  already  dead,  and  the  establishment  of  the  Con- 
federacy as  hopeless,  and  he  should  exert  all  his  influence 
to  bring  about  any  reunion  that  would  admit  the  South  on 
terms  of  perfect  equality  with  the  North.  Mr.  Davis 
and  the  fire-eaters  would  insist  on  a  separate  government. 
But  they  were  a  minority ;  a  majority  of  the  governors,. 


PROPOSED  SECESSION.  211 

and  a  large  majority  of  the  people  of  the  South,  would  be 
in  favor  of  reunion  on  any  equitable  basis. 

"  Now,"  continued  Mr.  Kidder,  "  have  Jim "  (a  title  ha 
had  applied  to  me  since  our  first  acquaintance)  "  get  from 
Mr.  Lincoln  at  once  the  most  liberal  terms  he  will  grant 
the  Confederacy ;  also  the  terms  on  which  he  will  receive 
North  Carolina  back  separately.  Then  have  him  come 
direct  to  Nassau,  and  find  the  captain,  or  any  one  of  the 
Wilmington  commanders,  —  he  knows  them  all,  —  and 
take  passage  here,  where  at  my  house  he  can  have  an  in- 
terview with  Vance.  Say  to  him  that  he  will  be  perfectly 
safe,  and,  moreover,  will  be  able  to  collect  his  claims 
against  a  dozen  of  the  Union  men  whose  names  are  on  the 
list  in  this  letter.  They  have  told  me  they  would  like  to 
pay  their  debts  to  Gilmore  &  Co.  in  cotton,  which,  as  soon 
as  our  port  is  open,  will  be  better  than  specie. 

"  However,"  he  added,  "  frankness  obliges  me  to  say 
that  I  think  Yance  cannot  effect  a  general  peace  on  the 
basis  of  reunion.  The  Richmond  leaders  are  resolved  on 
separation,  and  they  will  fight  for  it  so  long  as  they  have 
an  ounce  of  powder.  Therefore,  Jim  had  better  suggest  to 
Mr.  Lincoln  that  it  would  be  well  to  follow  up  his  overtures 
by  a  military  expedition.  Ten  thousand  Union  troops  in 
possession  of  Wilmington  would  be  a  powerful  argument 
with  Yance  and  the  Legislature.  To  this  end,  I  enclose 
you  a  map  of  our  fortifications.  I  need  not  tell  you  how 
Fort  Fisher  can  be  flanked,  for  we  have  discussed  that  al- 
ready. I  know  you  are  growing  old  and  are  infirm,  but 
can't  you  come  along  with  the  expedition?  The  sight 
of  you  would  gladden  the  soul  of  your  affectionate 
brother,  E.  K." 

This  letter  of  Mr.  Kidder  was  without  date,  but  it  could 
not  have  been  written  later  than  July  10,  1863,  while 


212  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

Grant  and  Sherman  were  still  before  Vicksburg,  and 
nearly  sixteen  months  (see  "  Sherman's  Memoirs,"  Vol.  II., 
p.  166)  before  they  had  decided  upon  "  Sherman's  March 
across  Georgia,"  which  simply  accomplished  the  result 
aimed  at  by  Mr.  Kidder's  plan  for  swinging  North  Carolina 
out  of  the  Confederacy. 

After  conferring  with  Sidney  Howard  Gay,  I  set  out  that 
night  with  Mr.  Kidder's  letter  in  my  pocket,  for  Washing- 
ton. Arriving  there  on  the  following  morning,  I  went 
early  to  the  White  House  and  had  an  interview  with  Mr. 
Lincoln.  I  first  inquired  about  the  appointment  of  Judge 
Edmonds,  that  I  have  told  of  in  the  previous  chapter,  and 
then  handed  him  Edward  Kidder's  letter,  saying,  "  Here  is 
something  you  ought  to  see,  —  it  came  from  Wilmington, 
N.  C.,  to  Boston,  in  a  bag  of  peanuts." 

"  Peanuts ! "  he  exclaimed,  smiling  broadly.  "  Then 
you've  gone  into  the  fruit  business." 

"  Not  yet,  sir  ;  it  depends  on  you  whether  I  go  into  it  or 
not.  Please  to  read  the  letter." 

He  leaned  back  in  his  chair,  stretched  one  of  his  long 
legs  upon  the  corner  of  his  table,  and  began  to  read  it. 
Before  he  had  reached  the  foot  of  the  first  page  he  turned  to 
the  last  sheet  to  look  at  the  signature,  saying,  "  E.  K.  ? 
What  does  that  stand  for  ?  " 

"  Edward  Kidder,  one  of  the  most  prominent  men  in 
North  Carolina." 

"  A  Southern  man  ?  " 

"  No  ;  he  was  born  in  New  Hampshire,  but  went  to  Wil- 
mington in  1826,  when  he  was  a  young  man  of  twenty-one. 
He  has  lived  there  ever  since,  accumulating  a  vast  fortune, 
and  having  larger  business  transactions  than  any  other 
man  in  the  State." 

"  Then  he  must  be  a  man  of  wide  influence." 


PROPOSED  RECESSION.  213 

"  He  is,  —  none  of  wider,  and  very  few  so  wide.  A 
stanch  Union  man,  he  has  openly  avowed  his  principles, 
and  the  veriest  fire-eaters  have  not  dared  to  molest  him 
because  of  the  hold  he  has  upon  all  classes  of  the  people." 

"  Well,  let  me  read  the  rest  of  his  letter,  —  this  is  im- 
portant." 

Having  read  it  through  very  attentively,  he  asked, 
"  These  other  men  that  Mr.  Kidder  names,  —  do  you  know 
them  ?  " 

"  I  do,  personally,  all  but  two  out  of  the  more  than  thirty 
that  he  mentions.  They  represent  every  section  of  the  State, 
and  are  the  best  men  in  it." 

"  And  Vance,  —  what  do  you  think  of  him  ?  " 

"  I  don't  know  him  personally,"  I  answered,  "  but  I 
would  sooner  trust  Mr.  Kidder  than  Yance,  —  one  is  a 
merchant,  the  other  a  politician." 

"  Then  you  don't  think  much  of  the  politicians  ?  " 

"  Not  unless  they  are,  like  you,  also  statesmen." 

"  Well,"  he  said,  with  his  peculiar  smile,  "  jesting  aside, 
don't  you  think  this  thing  worth  serious  consideration  ?  " 

"  I  do,"  I  answered,  "  but  I  don't  believe  Vance  could 
bring  about  a  general  peace.  When  I  was  at  Murfrees- 
borough,  General  Thomas  invited  to  his  quarters,  to  meet 
me,  a  half  dozen  of  the  best  men  from  a  hundred  miles 
around,  that  I  might  get  from  them  the  real  sentiment  of 
that  region.  They  all  prayed  for  the  Union,  but  were 
unanimously  of  opinion  that  no  peace  could  be  made  with 
the  Richmond  leaders  without  separation.  I  think  Mr. 
Kidder  is  right,  —  Jeff  Davis  will  fight  till  he  has  expended 
his  last  ounce  of  powder." 

"  And  is  not  that  idea  confirmed  by  your  not  hav- 
ing heard  from  Jaquess?  I  fear  some  evil  has  befallen 
him." 


214  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

"  I  hope  not,  sir.  I  prefer  to  think  they  are  holding  on 
to  him,  fearing  it  would  hurt  them  and  help  us  if  it  were 
known  that  they  had  refused  liberal  overtures.  I  do  not 
believe  that  they  would  go  to  the  length  of  doing  him 
personal  violence." 

"  Well,"  he  said,  "  I  sincerely  trust  they  have  not.  But 
about  Mr.  Kidder's  project  of  swinging  North  Carolina  out 
of  the  Confederacy,  —  is  not  that  precisely  in  line  with  what 
you  suggested  to  me-  some  two  years  ago ;  what  you  said 
was  the  plan  of  the  British  Cabinet  in  the  Revolution  ?  It 
struck  me  at  the  time,  and  I  have  not  forgotten  it." 

"It  is,  sir,  precisely  the  same  plan,  with  the  simple 
change  of  Wilmington  for  Charleston.  And  I  think  it 
would  be  sure  to  succeed.  With  the  Mississippi  now  in 
your  control,  and  Wilmington  captured,  you  would  close  the 
Cotton  States  up  tighter  than  a  drum,  and  soon  have  them 
praying  to  come  back  into  the  Union." 

"  Yes,  with  Mobile  also  closed  up,  —  but  we  could  attend 
to  that  at  the  same  time.  It  seems  to  me  important  that 
Vance  should  be  seen  and  conciliated,  for  he  doubtless 
could  control  the  Legislature  and  have  everything  done 
regularly  and  in  order.  Now,  if  I  were  to  tell  you  that  if 
you  brought  this  about  you  would  do  a  greater  service  to 
the  country  than  any  you  have  yet  done,  would  you  under- 
take it  ?  It  would  give  a  death-blow  to  the  Confederacy." 

"  No  doubt  it  would ;  but  I  should  be  risking  my  life  for 
an  uncertainty.  If  you  could  not  give  a  safe-conduct  to 
Jaquess,  you  cannot  to  me." 

"  That  is  true.  I  could  not  in  any  way  protect  you ;  but 
Mr.  Kidder  says  there  would  be  no  danger." 

"  There  is  none  for  him,  as  he  is  regarded  as  a  North 
Carolinian.  I  would  be  looked  upon  as  a  Yankee.  Some 
of  those  Wilmington  fire-eaters  owe  me  considerable  sums 


PEOPOSED  SECESSION.  215 

of  money,  and  they  might  choose  to  wipe  out  their  scores 
by  denouncing  me  to  the  Confederacy." 

He  said,  "  You  are  right  in  looking  before  you  leap.  But 
would  not  a  safe-conduct  from  Vance,  as  Governor,  give 
you  full  protection?" 

"  No  doubt  it  would,"  I  answered  ;  "  at  any  rate  I  would 
trust  it.  But  I  question  if  he  would  give  such  a  paper  to 
Mr.  Kidder.  He  would  fear  it  might  get  him  into  trouble 
with  the  Davis  government." 

"  Yery  likely,"  he  said  ;  "  but  I  guess  he  will  give  it  to 
me."  Then  taking  an  erect  position,  he  reached  me  several 
sheets  of  presidential  note-paper,  and  continued,  having  Mr. 
Kidder's  letter  hi  his  hand,  "  Now  let  us  see  if  between  us 
we  can't  concoct  something  that  will  bring  Vance — you 
write  and  I'll  dictate,  but  alter  my  phraseology  when  you 
can  better  it.  But  this  letter  has  no  address,  —  who  was  it 
sent  to?" 

"To  Frederic  Kidder,  of  Boston,  my  former  business 
partner,  and  the  brother  of  Edward  Kidder,"  and  I  added 
some  complimentary  remarks  about  him. 

"  Well,  now  go  on,  first  writing  directly  over  the  word 
Washington,  *  President's  Room,  White  House ; '  now  the 
address,  '  His  Excellency  Zebulon  B.  Vance,  Governor  of 
North  Carolina.' " 

MY  DEAR  SIR  :  —  My  former  business  partner,  Mr.  Frederic  Kid- 
der, of  Boston,  has  forwarded  to  me  a  letter  he  has  recently  received 
from  his  brother,  Edward  Kidder,  of  Wilmington,  in  which  he 
(Edward  Kidder)  says  that  he  has  had  an  interview  with  you  in 
•which  you  expressed  an  anxiety  for  any  peace  compatible  with 
honor ;  that  you  regard  slavery  as  already  dead,  and  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Confederacy  as  hopeless  ;  and  that  you  should  exert  all 
your  influence  to  bring  about  any  reunion  that  would  admit  the 
South  on  terms  of  perfect  equality  with  the  North. 

On  receipt  of  this  letter  I  lost  no  time  in  laying  it  before  the 


216  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

President  of  the  United  States,  who  expressed  great  gratification  at 
hearing  such  sentiments  from  you,  one  of  the  most  influential  and 
honored  of  the  Southern  governors,  and  he  desires  me  to  say  that  he 
fully  shares  your  anxiety  for  the  restoration  of  peace  between  the 
States,  and  for  a  reunion  of  all  the  States  on  the  basis  of  the  abo- 
lition of  slavery,  —  the  bone  we  are  fighting  over,  —  and  the  full 
reinstatement  of  every  Confederate  citizen  in  all  the  rights  of  citi- 
zenship in  our  common  country.  These  points  conceded,  the  Presi- 
dent authorizes  me  to  say  that  he  will  be  glad  to  receive  overtures 
from  any  man,  or  body  -of  men,  who  have  authority  to  control  the 
armies  of  the  Confederacy;  and  that  he  and  the  United  States  Con- 
gress will  be  found  very  liberal  on  all  collateral  points  that  may 
come  up  in  the  settlement. 

His  views  on  the  collateral  points  that  may  naturally  arise,  the 
President  desires  me  to  say  he  will  communicate  to  you  through  me 
if  you  should  suggest  the  personal  interview  that  Mr.  Edward  Kid- 
der  recommends  in  his  letter  to  his  brother.  In  that  case  you  will 
please  forward  to  me,  through  Mr.  Kidder,  your  official  permit,  as 
Governor  of  North  Carolina,  to  enter  and  leave  the  State,  and  to 
remain  in  it  in  safety  during  the  pendency  of  these  negotiations, 
which,  I  suppose,  should  be  conducted  in  entire  secrecy  until  they 
assume  an  official  character.  With  high  consideration,  I  am, 

Sincerely  yours, 

JAMES  R.  GILMORE. 

After  reading  the  above  over  carefully,  Mr.  Lincoln  took 
a  pen,  and  added  the  following : 

P.  S.  This  letter  has  been  written  in  my  presence,  has  been, 
read  by  me,  and  has  my  entire  approval.  A.  L. 

At  Mr.  Lincoln's  suggestion,  I  then  enclosed  the  letter 
in  an  envelope,  and  addressed  it  to  Governor  Vance  at 
Raleigh,  N.  C.  On  my  arrival  in  New  York  on  the  fol- 
lowing morning,  I  made  the  copy  from  which  the  foregoing- 
is  transcribed,  and  then  forwarded  the  letter,  open,  to 
Frederic  Kidder,  at  Boston,  with  a  request  that  he  would 
send  it  at  once  to  his  brother  at  Wilmington,  N.  C.  This 
was  in  July,  1863,  and  no  answer  came  from  Governor 


PROPOSED  KECESSION.  217 

Yance,  or  Edward  Kidder,  until  near  the  close  of  October 
in  that  year.  Then  Frederic  Kidder  came  to  me  in  New 
York,  bringing  with  him  a  letter  from  his  brother  that 
enclosed  a  safe-conduct  from  Governor  Vance,  which  gave 
me  liberty  to  enter  and  leave  North  Carolina  at  such  times 
as  suited  my  convenience. 

The  letter  explained  that  an  answer  to  my  communi- 
cation had  been  delayed  by  the  two  months'  illness  of  the 
previous  messenger  to  New  Providence,  which  had  kept 
him  from  duty.  From  my  suggestion  that  ^he  negotiation 
should  be  "  conducted  in  entire  secrecy,"  both  Governor 
Vance  and  Edward  Kidder  had  inferred  that  President 
Lincoln  did  not  desire  the  correspondence  to  pass  through 
the  Confederate  mail ;  and,  except  the  captain,  there  was 
no  messenger  on  whom  they  could  rely  in  entire  confi- 
dence. 

In  the  interval,  Governor  Vance  had  twice  visited  Mr. 
Kidder  at  Wilmington,  to  confer  with  him  about  the  open- 
ing of  peace  negotiations;  and  he  had  written  Jeff  Davis, 
through  Senator  Dortch,  urging  him  to  listen  to  any  reason- 
able proposals  that  might  come  from  the  Federal  Govern- 
ment. No  answer  to  his  letter  had  yet  been  received  from 
Mr.  Davis,  and  Mr.  Kidder  anticipated  that  when  one  came, 
it  would  be  a  flat  refusal  to  negotiate  upon  any  basis  but 
that  of  the  independence  of  the  Confederate  States.  If 
such  were  the  answer,  it  would  exasperate  Vance,  and  pave 
the  way  for  Edward  Kidder  to  propose  to  him  the  separate 
action  of  North  Carolina.  This,  doubtless,  Vance  would  at 
first  refuse,  and  hence  the  importance  that  a  strong  mili- 
tary force  should  follow  close  upon  the  heels  of  my  appear- 
ance in  North  Carolina.  To  induce  Vance  to  act,  it  would 
be  necessary  to  show  him  that  he  would  be  energetically 
supported  by  our  Government ;  and  nothing  would  so  thor- 


218  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

oughly  convince  him  of  that  as  the  presence  of  a  large 
army  already  in  possession  of  Wilmington. 

With  this  letter,  and  all  other  letters  that  Mr.  Frederic 
Kidder  had  received  from  his  brother  on  this  subject,  we 
went  on  together  to  Washington.  We  arrived  there  late  in 
the  afternoon,  and  I  sent  the  papers  at  once  to  Mr.  Lincoln, 
with  a  note  saying  that  we  were  waiting  his  leisure  for  an 
interview.  Answer  came  by  the  same  messenger,  "  Come 
at  once,  as  soon  as  you've  had  your  supper."  We  entered 
his  room  a  little  after  seven  o'clock,  and  were  received  by 
him  very  cordially.  I  had  no  sooner  mentioned  Mr.  Kid- 
der's  name  than  he  grasped  his  hand  warmly,  saying,  "  I 
have  heard  of  you  and  your  brother,  and  I  am  very  glad  to 
meet  you."  Then  to  me  he  said,  "  I  felt  sure  your  letter 
to  Vance  would  bring  him  if  he  was  in  earnest." 

"  My  letter,  sir !  "  I  exclaimed.  "  It  was  yours,  —  every 
word  of  it !  And  it  was  just  the  thing  for  the  purpose." 

"  Come,  gentlemen,  be  seated,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln.  As  he 
said  this,  he  leaned  his  long  form  against  the  mantelpiece, 
—  an  attitude  common  with  him  in  conversation.  Know- 
ing this,  I  at  once  took  a  chair,  but  Mr.  Kidder  continued 
standing,  his  eyes  fixed  upon  Mr.  Lincoln's  face,  as  if  he 
would  read  him  through  and  through.  Mr.  Lincoln  re- 
turned his  look,  his  gaze  having  the  same  inquiring  char- 
acter ;  and  thus  they  stood  for  a  few  moments,  neither  of 
them  speaking. 

His  peculiar  smile  had  been  gradually  overspreading  the 
face  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  soon  he  said  to  Mr.  Kidder, 
"  Won't  you  be  seated,  sir  ?  " 

"  Pardon  me,  Mr.  Lincoln,"  said  Mr.  Kidder,  "  I  want  to 
make  an  impression  on  you;  but  I  am  a  short  man,  and 
you  a  long  one,  and  I  fear  my  ideas  would  not  rise  to  your 
level  if  I  were  sitting,  and  you  standing." 


PROPOSED  RECESSION.  219 

The  situation  was  so  ludicrous  that  I  could  not  restrain 
my  laughter.  In  a  moment  I  said, "  Pardon  me,  Mr.  Presi- 
dent, you  don't  know  this  gentleman  as  I  do.  I  verily 
believe  if  he  were  to  call  on  Queen  Victoria  in  her  own 
palace  he  would  ask  her  to  take  a  seat,  and  make  herself 
entirely  at  home." 

At  this  Mr.  Lincoln  also  laughed,  and,  sinking  into  a 
near-by  chair,  he  said,  "I  see  you  have  been  taking  my 
measure,  —  what  do  you  think  of  me?" 

"  That  this  young  man  is  about  right,"  said  Mr.  Kidder. 
-"He  generally  is,  but  occasionally  he  gets  upon  a  high 
horse,  —  is  somewhat  too  enthusiastic." 

"  And  what  does  he  think  of  me  ?  He  has  never  told 
me,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln. 

Mr.  Kidder  replied,  "  That  you  are  a  providential  man, 
specially  commissioned  to  guide  the  ship  through  the 
present  storm." 

"  Then  you  think,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  gravely,  "  that  I 
can  count  upon  the  help  of  the  Almighty  ?  I  need  it,  sir, 
badly." 

"  And  you  will  have  it,"  answered  Mr.  Kidder.  "  I  feel 
as  sure  of  that  as  of  my  own  existence." 

"  I  am  glad  to  hear  you  say  so,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  "  for 
while  you  have  been  taking  my  measure,  I  have  been  tak- 
ing yours.  You  are  an  honest  man,  sir,  and  you  never  say 
one  thing,  and  mean  another.  I  know  I  can  trust  you  to 
keep  confidential  whatever  may  pass  between  us.  So  I 
shall  speak  to  you  freely.  I  regard  your  project  for  the 
swinging  of  North  Carolina  out  of  the  Confederacy  as  most 
important.  It  seems  to  me  that  with  Wilmington  in  our 
hands  we  can,  with  or  without  the  cooperation  of  Vance, 
strike  a  vital  blow  at  the  Rebellion.  Mr.  Gilmore  tells  me 
that  you  are  entirely  familiar  with  the  country  around 


220  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

Wilmington,  and  have  a  plan  for  flanking  Fort  Fisher  and 
taking  the  city  with  small  loss  of  life.  Will  you  tell  me 
what  it  is  ?  " 

Mr.  Kidder  then  drew  from  his  pocket  a  map  which  he 
had  prepared  of  the  approaches  to  Wilmington,  showing 
the  mouths  of  the  Cape  Fear  River  at  New  Inlet  and  the 
sea,  together  with  the  entire  coast  as  far  north  as  Beaufort, 
N.  C.,  the  whole  being  marked  with  the  Confederate  forti- 
fications as  they  were  indicated  by  the  map  and  letters  of 
Edward  Kidder.  Glancing  over  it,  Mr.  Lincoln  said,  "  Tim 
is  of  great  value.  But  how  do  you  propose  to  approach 
Wilmington  ?  " 

Mr.  Kidder J  then  went  on  to  explain  that  by  the  way  of 
the  Cape  Fear,  Wilmington  is  all  of  thirty  miles  from  the 
sea.  At  its  New  Inlet  mouth  was  Fort  Fisher ;  and  along 
its  course  were  several  forts  and  other  obstructions  that 
would  make  the  passage  of  the  river  extremely  hazardous. 
Mr.  Kidder  proposed  to  flank  all  these  obstacles  by  collect- 
ing a  body  of  troops  at  Beaufort,  N.  C.,  and  transporting 
them  on  flat-bottomed  steamers,  through  an  inlet  having 
seven  feet  of  water  at  high  tide,  into  Masonboro  Sound, 
whose  western  shore  is  only  twelve  miles  from  Wilmington. 
Thence  along  the  Wrightsville  road  the  troops  would  find 
no  defences  till  within  two  miles  of  the  city,  and  those  were 
not  of  a  formidable  character.  The  attacking  force  he 
would  wish  to  have  cooperated  with  by  a  strong  body  of 
cavalry  from  Newbern,  which  should  tear  up  the  railway 
connecting  Wilmington  with  the  North,  and  also  destroy  a 
bridge  which  was  located  ten  miles  from  the  city. 

"  It  strikes  me  as  a  feasible  plan,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln ; 
"  but  how  many  men  would  you  employ  in  the  operation  ?  " 

1  In  his  "  Civil  War  in  America"  (Vol.  III.,  p.  474),  Benson  J.  Leasing  gives, 
direct  from  Mr.  Kidder,  bis  plan  for  the  capture  of  Wilmington. 


PROPOSED  SECESSION.  221 

Mr.  Kidder  answered,  "Ten  or  twelve  thousand  under 
an  energetic  commander ;  for  the  Confederates  would  per- 
ceive the  dangerous  consequences  of  the  movement  and 
would  make  a  desperate  effort  to  recapture  the  place. 
Besides,  Vance  could  not  be  expected  to  desert  the  Con- 
federacy unless  he  saw  that  he  was  to  be  strongly  sup- 
ported." 

"What  would  you  do  with  Fort  Fisher?"  asked  Mr. 
Lincoln. 

Mr.  Kidder's  answer  was  that  he  would  let  it  alone  until 
our  force  was  impregnably  entrenched  at  Wilmington. 
Then  he  would  surround  it  with  three  or  four  thousand 
men,  cut  off  its  water-supply,  and  thus,  without  loss  of  life, 
force  it  to  a  speedy  surrender.  He  also  expressed  the 
opinion  that,  as  the  possession  of  Wilmington  was  of  vital 
importance  to  the  Confederates,  they  would  make  North 
Carolina  the  future  battle-ground,  concentrating  their  forces 
in  that  State,  in  a  desperate  attempt  to  hold  it,  and  to  re- 
capture the  city.  This  would  be  of  advantage  to  us,  for 
then  our  superior  strength  would  not  be  neutralized  by 
having  to  guard  long  lines  of  communication. 

Mr.  Lincoln  remarked,  "  There  is  a  good  deal  in  what 
you  say ;  and  I  shall  give  the  subject  careful  considera- 
tion. The  difficulty  now  is  a  want  of  men,  —  we  can't 
spare  a  man  from  where  he  is,  and  it  seems  to  me  that  in 
any  move  against  Wilmington  we  should  have  at  least 
twenty  thousand.  What  do  you  think  of  Burnside  as 
leader  of  the  expedition?" 

The  answer  was  that  he  was  just  the  man.  His  opera- 
tions at  Roanoke  Island  had  shown  that. 

Mr.  Lincoln  then  said  that  Burnside  could  not  at  the 
moment  be  withdrawn  from  East  Ted  tessee ;  but  as  soon 
as  he  could  be  he  would  set  him  to  enlisting  a  force  of 


222  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

20,000  men  for  this  special  service.  It  would  take  time 
to  do  that ;  and,  meanwhile,  what  excuse  could  I  give  Gov- 
ernor Yance  for  not  at  once  meeting  him  at  Wilmington  ? 

I  answered  that  I  might  write  him  —  what  would  be  true 
—  that,  owing  to  the  long  delay  in  hearing  from  Edward 
Kidder,  I  had  felt  at  liberty  to  accept  nearly  a  hundred 
invitations  to  lecture  before  literary  associations  through- 
out the  North ;  that  these  invitations  would  occupy  me  for 
some  months  to  come,  and  that,  meanwhile,  I  would  be 
glad  to  have  from  Vance  his  views  as  to  a  basis  of  settle- 
ment, which  —  if  he  should  send  them  —  I  would  forward 
at  once  to  the  President. 

"  Which,"  he  said,  "  had  better  be  by  private  hand ;  for 
all  this  matter,  both  the  peace  negotiation  and  the  military 
movement,  must  be  conducted  with  absolute  secrecy.  Now 
that  Governor  Walker  is  away,  who  is  there,  Mr.  Gilmore> 
who  would  be  a  safe  go-between  in  this  matter  ?  " 

I  suggested  General  Garfield,  with  whom  I  had  become 
well  acquainted  at  Murfreesborough,  and  who  would  be  in 
Washington  to  take  his  seat  in  the  House  on  the  assem- 
bling of  Congress  in  December. 

He  answered,  "  Garfield  will  do.  He  is  a  safe  man. 
Now,  when  did  you  hear  from  Governor  Walker  ?  " 

I  replied,  "  By  the  last  steamer ; "  and  I  drew  from  my 
pocket  his  letter  to  show  to  him. 

"  No,  no,"  he  said,  "  tell  me  what  he  says.  It  will  save 
time." 

I  then  said  that  Mr.  Walker  wrote  that  he  felt  confident 
of  negotiating  three  hundred  millions  of  the  5-20  loan,  and 
hoped  to  defeat  the  loan  the  Confederates  were  attempting 
to  secure  on  the  pledge  of  the  cotton-crop.  I  added,  "  And, 
Mr.  Lincoln,  would  it  not  kill  the  Confederate  loan  deader 
than  a  door-nail  if  I  were  to  write  the  Governor  that  you 


PROPOSED  RECESSION.  223 

have  decided  upon  this  Wilmington  expedition  and  the  cap- 
ture of  Mobile  ?  " 

"  No,  no  ! "  he  almost  shouted.  "  Have  you  lost  your 
senses  ?  If  Walker  so  much  as  whispered  that,  it  would 
be  telegraphed  here  within  an  hour,  and  defeat  all  our 
plans  by  giving  the  Confederates  warning.  I  am  surprised 
you  don't  see  that." 

Decidedly  nettled  by  his  tone,  I  answered,  promptly, 
"  Well,  sir,  I  don't  see  it.  If  the  Governor  were  here  you 
would  tell  him  the  whole  of  this,  ask  his  advice,  and  trust 
to  his  discretion.  He  conducts  his  negotiations  through 
some  one  of  the  great  bankers,  —  the  Browns,  Barings,  or 
Rothschilds,  whichever  it  is ;  they  are  interested  in  bolster- 
ing our  credit  and  depressing  that  of  the  Confederacy. 
Could  he  not  whisper  this  to  them  in  confidence,  and  thus 
strike  a  secret  but  fatal  blow  at  the  Confederate  negotia- 
tions? You  have  yourself  told  me  that  the  Governor  is 
the  ablest  financier  and  diplomatist  this  country  has  pro- 
duced. Can  he  not  be  trusted  to  use  this  fact  to  our 
advantage,  or  not  at  all  ?  " 

"Yes,  yes,"  he  answered,  "you  are  right;  and  I  ask 
your  pardon  for  my  hasty  speaking.  Write  him  whatever 
you  like  ;  and  don't  be  impatient  with  me." 

"  Impatient  with  you,  Mr.  Lincoln ! "  I  exclaimed.  "  I 
couldn't  be  if  I  tried,  —  that  is,  not  for  many  minutes. 
Shall  I  tell  you  what  Horace  Greeley  said  of  you  the  other 
day?" 

He  smiled  and  nodded,  and  I  went  on,  "He  was  com- 
plaining to  me  that  you  did  not  travel  with  the  speed  of 
light,  — 186,000  miles  a  second,  —  and  I  suggested  that  he 
should  come  on  here  and  have  a  talk  with  you.  He  said 
it  would  be  of  no  use,  —  that  your  smile  would  wilt  him  in 
half  a  minute.  It  has  much  the  same  effect  upon  me." 


224  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

Mr.  Lincoln  laughed,  and  after  a  few  moments  said, 
"  Now,  Mr.  Kidder,  is  there  anything  more  for  us  to  say  on 
this  subject  ?  " 

"  Only  one  word,"  he  answered.  "  Where  will  Burnside 
recruit  for  the  expedition  ?  " 

"  My  idea  would  be  New  York  and  New  England,"  said 
Mr.  Lincoln. 

"  Then  would  you  object  to  my  opening  this  matter  to 
my  friend,  Governor.  Andrew  ?  He  might  help  Burnside's 
operations." 

"  That  is  so ;  do  it.  But  talk  to  no  one  else  without 
first  consulting  me ;  and  write  me  always  under  cover  to 
General  Garfield.  Mr.  Gilmore  will  arrange  for  that. 
Burnside,  of  course,  you  may  be  perfectly  free  with." 

After  some  desultory  conversation  we  took  our  leave, 
Mr.  Kidder  thoroughly  convinced  that  the  Union  would  be 
saved,  and  that  Abraham  Lincoln  would  save  it. 

Soon  after  this  interview  with  President  Lincoln  I  wrote 
to  Governor  Vance,  Edward  Kidder,  and  General  Garfield, 
as  was  called  for  by  the  circumstances.  To  General 
Garfield  I  said  that  he  had  been  selected  by  President 
Lincoln  as  the  intermediary  for  an  important  correspond- 
ence, which  he  desired  to  be  kept  from  the  knowledge  of 
all  but  himself,  so  that  it  might  by  no  possibility  get  to  the 
public;  and  I  briefly  stated  the  purpose  of  the  projected 
expedition.  From  him  I  received  a  reply,  just  as  I  was 
about  to  set  out  on  my  lecturing  tour,  in  which  he  thanked 
me  for  thus  thinking  of  him,  and  said  he  gladly  accepted 
the  trust;  not  only  because  he  strongly  approved  of  the 
expedition,  but  also  for  the  reason  that  it  would  bring  him 
into  close  contact  with  President  Lincoln,  —  a  privilege  he 
highly  valued.  Then  I  went  off  on  my  lecturing  tour,  first 


PROPOSED  RECESSION.  225 

arranging  for  the  prompt  forwarding  of  all  letters  that 
might  be  received  for  me  at  my  home  or  at  the  Tribune 
office.  My  lecture  engagements  ran  on  until  April,  1864 ; 
but  I  heard  frequently  from  Frederic  Kidder  and  General 
Garfield  in  relation  to  all  things  having  any  bearing  upon 
the  Wilmington  expedition, —  the  information  through  Gar- 
field  coming  direct  from  President  Lincoln. 

Early  in  December  Mr.  Lincoln  recalled  General  Burn- 
side  from  Tennessee,  and  reinstated  him  in  command  of 
the  Ninth  Army  Corps,  with  orders  to  recruit  it  to  the  full 
strength  of  20,000  men.  This  Burnside  proceeded  to  do 
with  satisfactory  success,  making  his  headquarters  at 
Annapolis.  Early  in  January,  1864,  Mr.  Lincoln  re- 
quested Mr.  Kidder,  through  General  Garfield,  to  come  on 
to  Washington  to  explain  his  plan  for  the  capture  of  Wil- 
mington fully  to  General  Burnside  and  the  War  Depart- 
ment. Mr.  Kidder  went,  again  met  the  President,  and  had 
prolonged  conferences  with  both  General  Burnside  and  Sec- 
retary Stanton,  after  which  he  wrote  to  me  that  all  things 
were  understood  and  agreed  upon ;  and  that  he  had  given 
to  Burnside  all  his  maps,  and  full  written  instructions  how 
to  approach  Wilmington;  and  also  had  agreed  —  should 
his  health  permit  —  to  go  along  with  the  expedition. 

Soon  after  Mr.  Kidder's  return  to  Boston  he  forwarded 
to  me  a  letter  from  his  brother  at  Wilmington,  dated  Jan- 
uary 23,  1864,  in  which  he  said  that  Vance  had  written 
direct  to  Jeff  Davis,  strongly  urging  upon  him  the  opening 
of  peace  negotiations  with  President  Lincoln;1  and  that 
the  Governor  greatly  regretted  the  circumstances  that  de- 
layed my  meeting  him  at  Wilmington.  Edward  Kidder 
desired  me  to  throw  my  lectures  to  the  winds  and  come 

1  This  letter  of  Governor  Vance,  and  the  reply  of  Jefferson  Davis,  may  be 
found  in  Appleton's  "  Annual  Cyclopedia"  for  1864,  pp.  197  and  198. 


226  PEESONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

there  at  once.  The  pear,  he  said,  was  ripe,  and  ready  to 
fall  into  our  hands.  And  he  added  that  Governor  Vance 
was  strongly  incensed  with  the  answer  he  had  received  from 
Jeff  Davis,  and  was  ready  for  the  separate  action  of  North 
Carolina.  If  merely  a  moderate  compensation  were  offered 
by  Mr.  Lincoln  for  the  slaves,  he  felt  sure  the  Legislature 
could  be  carried  by  an  overwhelming  majority. 

The  Southern  pear  was  ripe,  but  the  Northern  gatherers 
were  not  ready  to  pluck  it,  for  Burnside's  force  was  not  yet 
recruited  to  the  required  20,000. 

Late  in  February  General  Garfield  wrote  me  that  it  had 
been  decided  to  make  Grant  lieutenant-general,  and  to  give 
him  control  of  all  the  army  operations;  and  therefore, 
while  Burnside's  force  had  reached  the  necessary  strength 
of  20,000,  Mr.  Lincoln  desired  to  confer  with  General 
Grant  before  actually  setting  on  foot  the  expedition.  He 
had  no  question  that  Grant  would  approve  of  the  plan ;  and 
as  soon  as  he  did  he  would  like  to  have  me  come  to 
Washington,  to  talk  over  with  him  the  terms  to  be  offered 
to  Governor  Yance.  On  March  llth,  Garfield  wrote  me 
another  letter,  saying  that  Grant  had  been  appointed  lieu- 
tenant-general ;  had  been  in  Washington  to  receive  invest- 
ment of  his  command ;  and  had  that  day  returned  to 
Nashville.  President  Lincoln  had  talked  over  the  Wilming- 
ton expedition  with  him,  and  Grant  had  fully  approved  of 
it ;  therefore  the  sooner  I  set  out  to  meet  Governor  Vance 
the  better.  Garfield  added:  "The  President  says,  'Let 
Gilmore  show  me  the  light  of  his  countenance  as  early 
as  convenient.' "  I  had  only  half  a  dozen  lecture  engage- 
ments to  fill,  and,  waiting  till  this  was  done,  I  telegraphed 
to  Mr.  Kidder  to  meet  me  at  Washington,  being  desirous 
that  he  should  be  present  at  my  interview  with  Mr.  Lincoln 
in  order  to  suggest  any  points  that  he  might  deem  o£ 


PROPOSED  RECESSION.  227 

importance.  We  met  at  Washington,  and  together  called 
upon  the  President. 

He  was  in  unusually  good  spirits,  seeming  to  be  relieved 
of  a  load  of  care  by  the  mere  prospect  of  Grant's  assuming 
control  of  the  army  operations.  On  my  remarking  upon 
his  improved  appearance,  he  said,  "  Oh,  yes !  I  feel  better, 
for  now  I'm  like  the  man  who  was  blown  up  on  a  steam- 
boat and  said,  on  coming  down, '  It  makes  no  difference  to 
me,  —  I'm  only  a  passenger.' " 

He  went  very  fully  into  the  topics  likely  to  come  up  in 
my  intercourse  with  Governor  Vance.  But  the  terms  need 
not  be  here  repeated,  as  they  were  substantially  the  same 
as  those  which,  four  months  later,  I  was  authorized  to  offer 
to  Jefferson  Davis,  —  except  that  I  was  not  to  tender  com- 
pensation for  the  slaves,  unless  in  case  of  a  negotiation  for 
a  separate  recession  of  North  Carolina.  This  was  the  sub- 
stance of  the  interview,  and  I  returned  home  to  prepare  for 
my  proposed  trip  into  North  Carolina.  I  was  there,  just 
about  to  set  out  on  a  journey  to  Nassau,  New  Providence, 
when  I  received  a  despatch  signed  simply  "A.  L.,"  which 
read,  "You  can't  go.  Satisfactory  explanation  will  be 
made  personally." 

Without  loss  of  time  I  went  on  to  Washington  and  met 
President  Lincoln.  His  explanation  was  that  Grant,  hav- 
ing had  time  to  fully  mature  his  plans  for  the  whole  field 
of  operations  in  both  Virginia  and  Georgia,  had  concluded 
that  he  must  have  Burnside's  20,000  men  —  raised  ex- 
pressly for  the  Wilmington  expedition  —  to  successfully 
meet  Lee  in  Virginia.  However,  Mr.  Lincoln  hoped  Grant 
might  soon  be  able  to  dispense  with  the  Ninth  Corps,  and 
allow  it  to  carry  out  the  original  plan  of  operations. 

It  never  did  carry  it  out,  and  never  could ;  for  in  little 
more  than  a  month  a  large  portion  of  its  men  left  their 


228  PERSONAL  EECOLLECTIONS. 

bones  on  the  disastrous  battle-fields  of  the  Wilderness ;  andr 
before  the  campaign  was  over,  all  of  one-half  of  them  had 
lain  down  to  their  last  sleep  on  the  bloody  soil  of  Virginia. 

But  Mr.  Lincoln  kept  the  Wilmington  expedition  in 
mind,  and  subsequently,  while  Grant  was  encamped  at 
City  Point,  he  requested  me  to  have  Mr.  Kidder  visit  him 
there,  and  press  upon  him  the  importance  and  feasibility  of 
the  expedition.  Mr.  Kidder  went  to  General  Grant,  accom- 
panied by  Governor  Andrew,  of  Massachusetts,  and  both 
left  him  with  the  impression  that  the  expedition  would  soon 
be  undertaken.  But  it  never  was  undertaken.  General 
Grant  preferred  to  capture  Fort  Fisher  eight  months  later 
at  a  vastly  greater  expenditure  of  life  and  money.  He  dis- 
trusted all  interference  of  civilians  in  military  affairs,  and 
had  no  sympathy  with  a  system  of  warfare  which  carries 
the  lash  of  coercion  in  one  hand,  and  the  white  flag  of  con- 
ciliation in  the  other.  But  it  was  not  so  with  President 
Lincoln.  He  sought  to  gain  his  ends  by  the  least  sacrifice 
of  life  and  property,  and  he  always  regretted  the  failure  to 
carry  out  this  Wilmington  expedition ;  and  yet,  when  I  once 
ventured  to  ask  if  he  were  not  placing  military  control  too 
fully  in  the  hands  of  General  Grant,  he  said,  "  Do  you  hire 
a  man  to  do  your  work  and  then  do  it  yourself  ? "  A 
similar  sentiment  he  is  said  to  have  expressed  to  a  delega- 
tion of  gentlemen  who  asked  the  removal  of  Grant  on  the 
ground  that  he  drank  brandy.  "Find  out  for  me,"  Mr. 
Lincoln  is  reported  to  have  said,  "  the  brand  he  uses,  —  I 
want  to  furnish  it  to  some  of  my  other  generals." 

I  believe  that  from  the  outset  Mr.  Lincoln  held  the 
opinion  that  was  once  expressed  by  the  Honorable  Henry 
Wilson :  "  This  is  God's  war ;  he  is  managing  it  to  suit 
himself;"  and  that,  further  on,  as  the  conflict  continued 
and  he  beheld  the  loss  of  six  hundred  thousand  lives,  and 


PROPOSED  RECESSION.  229 

of  five  thousand  millions  of  property,  it  came  to  be  his 
settled  conviction  that  God  willed  "  the  war  to  continue 
until  all  the  wealth  piled  by  the  bondsman's  two  hundred 
and  fifty  years  of  unrequited  toil  should  be  sunk,  and  until 
every  drop  of  blood  drawn  with  the  lash  should  be  paid  by 
another  drawn  with  the  sword."  This  was  the  woe  entailed 
upon  our  country  by  human  slavery,  and  thus  was  it  to  be 
purified  by  fire,  and  fitted  to  achieve  its  destiny  as  the 
standard-bearer  of  the  nations.  And  thus  it  always  is.  All 
history  shows  that  without  the  shedding  of  blood  there  is 
no  national  progress ;  that  all  nations,  as  well  as  individual 
men,  must  pass  through  the  Red  Sea  of  struggle  before 
they  come  to  the  promised  land  flowing  with  milk  and 
honey. 

This  was  Mr.  Lincoln's  view  as  he  expressed  it  to  me 
not  long  before  his  death ;  and  now,  seeing  things  as  he  saw 
them,  I  have  ceased  to  regret  the  hundred  thousand  lives, 
and  eight  hundred  millions  of  money  that  were  sacrificed 
m  the  last  year  of  the  war,  or  to  longer  feel  that 

«  Of  all  sad  words  of  tongue  or  pen 
The  saddest  are  these :  it  might  have  been." 


CHAPTER  XYI. 

THE   PRELIMINARIES   TO   THE   PEACE   MISSION   OF   1864. 

ALL  who  have  a  vivid  recollection  of  the  war  period 
must  remember  the  Peace  Simoon  that  swept  over  the 
country,  throwing  dust  into  the  eyes  of  loyal  people,  during 
the  early  months  of  the  year  1864.  The  struggle  had  then 
continued  for  more  than  three  years  with  alternate  success 
and  disaster,  until  the  national  debt  had  reached  the 
astounding  sum  of  two  thousand  millions  of  dollars,  with  a 
daily  war  expenditure  of  three  millions,  and  a  loss  of  life  — 
counting  the  deaths  on  both  sides  —  of  fully  half  a  million,, 
including  very  much  of  the  best  blood  of  the  country.  No 
great  battle  occurred  without  a  loss,  on  the  two  sides,  of 
20,000  to  30,000,  —  a  number  of  men  equal  to  the  males 
in  a  community  of  from  one  hundred  to  one  hundred  and 
fifty  thousand;  and  this  is  saying  nothing  of  the  deaths 
incurred  by  hardship  and  disease,  which  were  doubtless 
equal  to  the  losses  in  battle.  How  long  could  this  fright- 
ful waste  go  on,  in  a  total  population  of  only  thirty-three 
millions,  without  sapping  the  very  life-blood  of  the  country  ? 
and  how  long  could  this  immense  destruction  of  property 
be  continued  without  involving  the  nation  in  hopeless  bank- 
ruptcy, and  spreading  universal  poverty  and  distress  among 
all  classes  of  the  people,  both  North  and  South?  These 
were  the  questions  that  pressed  upon  the  minds  of 
thinking  men  in  all  parts  of  the  North,  and,  the  passions 

230 


THE  PEACE  MISSION  OF  1864.  231 

which  had  brought  on  the  war  having  subsided,  they  said 
to  one  another,  "  Cannot  an  end  be  put  to  this  terrific, 
waste  of  life  and  property  ?  The  Southerners  are  a  Christian 
people,  we  have  the  same  God,  we  believe  in  the  same 
Christ,  we  hope  for  a  common  hereafter ;  moreover,  we  are 
of  one  blood ;  our  fathers  stood  together  at  King's  Moun- 
tain and  Eutaw,  at  Saratoga  and  Yorktown,  and  shall  we, 
their  sons,  spend  the  remainder  of  our  lives  in  destroying 
one  another,  and  whelming  our  common  country  in  destruc- 
tion ?  There  must  be  some  way  to  end  this  wretched  busi- 
ness. Tell  us  what  it  is,  and  be  it  armistice,  concession, 
compromise,  anything  whatever,  we  will  welcome  it,  so- 
long  as  it  terminates  this  suicidal  war."  This  was  the 
almost  unanimous  feeling  of  the  Northern  people  —  of  radi- 
cal Republicans  as  well  as  honest  Democrats  —  during  the 
winter  of  1863  and  the  spring  of  1864. 

But  the  Northern  people  were  under  a  delusion.  There 
could  be  no  peace  without  the  utter  extermination  of 
slavery,  and  the  total  overthrow  of  the  men  who  were  in 
control  of  the  Southern  armies.  Those  men  could  reach 
their  end  only  by  disunion.  Their  end  was  a  great  Southern 
empire,  having  for  its  corner-stone  human  slavery.  This 
they  had  openly  announced ;  and  it  had  been  fully  stated 
to  me  by  one  of  their  most  influential  leaders,  ex-Governor 
Allston,  of  South  Carolina,  while  their  cannon  were 
levelled  against  Fort  Sumter,  but  before  they  had  fired  a 
single  shot,  or  taken  one  human  life.  One  of  his  declara- 
tions to  me  was,  "  Mexico  and  Cuba  are  ready,  now,  to  fall 
into  our  hands,  and  before  two  years  have  passed,  with  or 
without  the  Border  States,  we  shall  count  twenty  millions. 
,  .  .  Our  territory  will  extend  from  the  Atlantic  to  the 
Pacific,  and  as  far  south  as  the  Isthmus.  We  are  founding, 
sir,  an  empire  that  will  be  able  to  defy  all  Europe,  —  one 


232  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

grander  than  the  world  has  seen  since  the  age  of 
Pericles!"1 

These  being  the  views  of  the  Southern  leaders,  there 
was  an  irreconcilable  difference  between  them  and  the 
North.  The  North  would  not  consent  to  disunion;  the 
South  would  accept  nothing  short  of  it.  This  was  fully 
understood  by  the  leaders  on  both  sides,  and  hence  no 
peace  overtures  were  made  —  even  after  three  years  of 
most  bloody  and  disastrous  war  —  by  either  the  Union  or 
Confederate  Governments. 

But  the  Northern  people  fully  believed  that  some  terms 
consistent  with  honor,  and  the  preservation  of  the  Union, 
might  be  arrived  at,  and  this  belief  had  spread  with  such 
amazing  rapidity  that  by  the  spring  of  1864  it  was 
undoubtedly  entertained  by  much  the  larger  number  of  the 
free-state  population,  as  is  clearly  shown  by  the  fact  that 
even  in  November  of  that  year,  when  every  man,  woman, 
and  child  in  the  country  had  heard  the  declaration  of 
Jefferson  Davis  made  through  me,  that  the  Confederacy 
would  make  peace  only  on  the  basis  of  the  Southern  inde- 
pendence, General  McClellan,  the  Peace  candidate  for  the 
presidency,  failed  of  a  popular  majority  by  only  213,672 
votes  in  a  total  vote  of  over  4,000,000. 

In  this  delusion  there  was  great  danger  to  the  Union,  — 
a  danger  greater  than  any  it  had  yet  encountered ;  for  a 
Peace  candidate  was  sure  to  be  nominated  in  1864  in 
opposition  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  on  this  tide  of  popular 
frenzy  he  might  be  floated  into  the  presidency;  and  then 
the  deluded  people  would  learn,  too  late,  that  peace  meant 
only  disunion.  They  would  learn  it  too  late,  because 
power  would  then  be  in  the  hands  of  a  Peace  Congress 

1  A  full  report  of  this  interview  I  gave  in  my  book,  "  Among  the  Pines," 
which  was  published  early  in  1862. 


THE  PEACE  MISSION  OF  1864.  233 

•and  a  Peace  President,  and  it  needed  no  gift  of  prophecy 
to  predict  what  they  would  do.  They  would  make  peace 
on  the  best  terms  they  could  get ;  and  the  only  terms  they 
could  get  were  disunion  and  Southern  independence. 
Hence,  it  was  of  the  utmost  importance  to  secure  from  the 
Confederate  Government  a  distinct  declaration  of  the  terms 
on  which  it  would  make  peace;  for  if  these  terms  were 
according  to  the  expectation  of  those  best  informed,  they 
would  dispel  the  delusion  of  the  Northern  people,  reelect 
Mr.  Lincoln,  and  end  the  war  with  the  abolition  of  slavery 
and  the  permanent  restoration  of  the  Union. 

Holding  these  views,  I  gladly  availed  myself  of  an  op- 
portunity to  further  a  second  attempt  of  Colonel  Jaquess 
to  gain  an  interview  with  the  Confederative  authorities  on 
the  subject  of  peace.  He  had  written  me  in  November, 
1863,  recounting  his  experiences  on  his  previous  visit 
within  the  Confederate  lines;  and  this  letter  is  now  sub- 
joined in  order  to  give  a  full  history  of  this  transaction. 
It  was  as  follows: 

CHATTANOOGA,  TENK.,  November  4, 1863. 
J.  R.  GILMORE,  ESQ. 

My  Very  Dear  Sir:  —  I  entered  upon  my  mission,  passed  into 
the  Confederate  lines,  met  a  most  cordial  reception,  was  received  by 
those  to  whom  my  mission  was  directed  as  a  visitant  from  the  other 
world,  and  was  strongly  urged  not  to  cease  my  efforts  till  the  end 
was  accomplished.  I  obtained  some  very  valuable  information, 
which  appears  more  so  to  me  now,  since  events  have  transpired 
to  which  I  need  not  now  refer. 

I  returned  to  Baltimore,  with  a  view  to  communicating  with 
President  Lincoln.  I  wrote  him  —  without  stating  that  I  had  been 
within  the  enemy's  lines  —  "that  I  had  valuable  information. 
Can  I  have  permission  to  communicate  it  ?  If  so,  how,  —  by  tele- 
graph, mail,  or  in  person?  I  await  an  answer  at  Barnum's  Hotel, 
Baltimore,  Md." 

I  waited  there  two  weeks;  no  answer  came.     General  Schenck, 


234  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

to  whom  I  had  made  known  my  business  when  outward  bound,  was 
absent.     I  did  not  feel  at  liberty  to  report  to  any  one  else. 

At  this  time  I  learned  from  parties  here  that  a  battle,  at  or  neaf 
this  place,  would  be  fought  soon,  and  that  my  regiment  very  much 
desired  me  to  be  with  them.  I  hastened  to  join  them,  which  I  did 
just  in  time  to  be  in  the  most  desperate  and  bloody  battle  of  the 
war.  I  lost  over  two  hundred  of  my  men,  nineteen  commissioned 
officers  in  killed  and  wounded,  and  I  had  two  horses  shot  under  me. 
I  was  not  touched. 

I  cannot  perceive  why  President  L.  should  decline  any  communi- 
cation with  me.  I  can  give  him  some  most  valuable  information ;  no 
one  else  need  know  it,  and  he  be  uncommitted. 

Generals  Rosecrans  and  Garfield  are  gone,  and  there  are  no  others 
here  with  whom  I  feel  free  to  communicate.  I  would  be  most 
thankful  for  the  privilege  of  prosecuting  this  work  further,  —  feel 
that  I  ought  to  do  it,  that  great  good  would  result  from  it.  I  find 
my  way  perfectly  clear  on  the  other  side  of  the  line.  My  only 
trouble  is  on  this  side.  I  can  do  our  cause  more  good  in  one  month,, 
in  my  own  way,  than  I  can  here  in  twelve.  More  anon. 

Yours  truly,  J.  F.  JAQUESS, 

Colonel  7M  Reg.  III.  Vols. 

This  letter  I  received  when  I  was  soon  to  set  out  on  the 
lecturing  tour  of  which  I  have  spoken,  and  would  not  have 
three  consecutive  days  at  my  disposal  until  the  following 
April.  Consequently,  I  could  not  go  to  Washington ;  and 
writing  to  Mr.  Lincoln  seemed  to  be  useless,  for  if  he  had 
not  answered  Jaquess,  it  was  to  be  presumed  he  would  not 
correspond  with  any  one  on  that  subject.  Besides,  I  could 
tell  him  nothing  till  I  had  seen  the  colonel.  This  I  wrote 
to  Jaquess,  suggesting  that  he  should  apply  to  General 
Thomas,  under  whom  he  was  serving,  who  knew  and  ap- 
proved of  his  first  visit,  and  would,  no  doubt,  depute  some 
trusty  person  to  go  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  report  what  Jaquess  had 
to  communicate,  and  obtain  a  new  furlough.  I  suggested 
also  that  he  should  not  again  attempt  direct  access  to  Mr. 


THE  PEACE  MISSION  OF  1864.  235 

Lincoln,  unless  he  could  bring  to  him  definite  proposals  of 
surrender  from  the  rebel  leaders. 

To  this  letter  Jaquess  replied  that  he  would  wait  until  I 
could  go  to  Washington,  as  it  was  necessary  he  should 
know  more  definitely  Mr.  Lincoln's  views  before  he  went 
again  into  the  Confederacy ;  and  the  extreme  caution  the 
President  had  shown  convinced  him  that  he  would  not  talk 
to  any  stranger  as  freely  as  he  had  talked,  and  probably 
would  again  talk,  with  me. 

I  was  not  able  to  visit  Washington  till  I  went  there  with 
Mr.  Frederic  Kidder  near  the  1st  of  April,  1864.  Then  I 
asked  of  Mr.  Lincoln  why  he  had  not  replied  to  Colonel 
Jaquess's  letter. 

"I  never  received  his  letter,"  was  the  unexpected  an- 
swer. The  person  to  whom  it  had  come  had  not  thought  it 
of  sufficient  importance  to  bring  it  to  the  notice  of  the 
President.  I  then  handed  him  Jaquess's  letter  to  me  of 
Nov.  4, 1863.  He  read  it  carefully,  and  then  said,  "  He's 
got  something  worth  hearing.  What  a  pity  it  is  they  didn't 
give  me  that  letter ! " 

"  It's  not  too  late,  sir,"  I  remarked.  "  Those  people," 
he  says,  "  are  ripe  for  peace.  Let  him  go  again.  There  is 
no  telling  what  he  may  accomplish." 

Without  a  word,  he  turned  about  on  his  chair,  and  on  a 
small  card  wrote  as  follows : 

To   WHOM   IT   MAY    CONCERN : 

The  bearer,  Colonel  James  F.  Jaquess,  73d  Illinois,  has  leave  of 
absence  until  further  orders. 

A.  LINCOLN. 

When  he  handed  this  card  to  me  I  said,  "  I  will  send 
this  at  once  to  General  Thomas,  and  write  to  Jaquess  to 
report  to  me  at  my  home.  Then  I  will  send  to  you,  through 


236  PERSONAL  EECOLLECTION8. 

General  Garfield,  a  full  report  of  his  doings  within  the 
rebel  lines." 

"All  right,"  he  answered.  "Garfield  will  be  discreet. 
Have  you  seen  him  ?  " 

"  Not  yet,  sir ;  but  he  is  here,  and  I  can  see  him  to-day. 
However,  it  seems  to  me  it  would  be  vastly  better  for  you 
to  talk  with  Jaquess.  Would  it  not  do  for  him  to  come 
here  in  citizen's  clothes  ?  It  could  be  managed  with  abso- 
lute secrecy." 

"  No  doubt,"  he  answered,  "  but  the  fact  would  exist ; 
and  I  couldn't  deny  it,  if  it  should  prove  inconvenient" 

"  Do  you  desire  I  should  name  any  more  definite  terms 
to  Jaquess  ?  " 

"  What  did  you  tell  me,  some  time  ago,  that  Kosecrans 
wrote  to  you  about  pay  to  the  small  slave-owners  ?" 

"  His  aide,  Major  Bond,  wrote  to  me  that  Jaquess  asked 
if  you  would  pay  the  owners  of  five  slaves  and  under,  and  if 
the  leaders  would  be  allowed  to  leave  the  country  without 
molestation." 

"  Let  him  tell  them  all  to  stay  at  home ;  and  I  think  I 
could  manage  the  five  slaves,  —  perhaps  more.  You  see 
Chickamauga  has  taught  the  country  something.  People 
don't  talk  so  much  about  the  Confederacy  being  a  shell; 
perhaps  it  is,  but  it's  an  awful  hard  shell  to  crack.  You 
can  say  to  Jaquess  that  you  are  satisfied  we  will  grant  such 
terms,  but  don't  say  I  distinctly  offer  them.  He  might 
construe  that  into  some  sort  of  authority." 

It  was  not  till  the  13th  of  June  that  I  heard  again  from 
Colonel  Jaquess.  Then  I  received  a  torn  sheet,  written  by 
him  in  pencil  on  the  10th  of  the  same  month,  from  one 
of  the  battle-fields  about  Kenesaw  Mountain,  in  which  he 
said  that  he  was  ready  to  go  again,  and  would  see  me 
at  my  home  about  the  first  of  July.  I  at  once  wrote  to 


THE  PEACE  MISSION  OF  1864.  237 

Mr.  Lincoln,  apprising  him  of  this,  and  adding  that  the 
more  I  thought  of  it,  the  more  it  seemed  to  me  important 
that  Jaquess  should  have  fuller  and  more  definite  instruc- 
tions. I  hoped  also  that  he  would  change  his  mind  about 
giving  him  a  personal  interview.  Should  I  not  bring 
Jaquess  on  to  Washington,  and  he  then  decide  what  to  do 
in  the  premises  ? 

This  letter  I  sent  open  to  General  Garfield,  with  a  note 
requesting  him  to  read  it  and  urge  my  views  upon  the 
President.  Answer  came  from  Garfield  in  an  appendix  to 
a  letter  of  five  pages,  which  he  had  written  me  on  other 
subjects.  The  appendix  was  as  follows : 

I  have  delayed  sending  this  till  I  could  see  the  President  in 
reference  to  Jaquess ;  and,  after  two  ineffectual  attempts,  I  saw  him 
and  talked  with  him.  There  were  other  persons  in  the  room,  and  we 
could  not  talk  freely,  so  he  summed  it  all  up  by  saying,  "  Tell  Gil- 
more  to  bring  Jaquess  here,  and  I  will  see  him.  Of  course  it  should 
be  done  very  quietly." 

My  next  communication  on  this  subject  was  a  telegram 
from  Colonel  Jaquess,  dated  "  Barnum's  Hotel,  Baltimore, 
June  30th,"  which  was,  "  Can  you  come  to  Baltimore  and 
Washington  ?  It  is  important." 

As  soon  thereafter  as  possible  I  went  to  Baltimore,  and 
met  Colonel  Jaquess.  He  informed  me  that  he  had  brought 
despatches  from  General  Sherman  to  Washington,  and, 
being  there,  had  sent  in  his  name  to  Mr.  Lincoln,  who  had 
declined  to  see  him,  but  advised  his  seeing  me  in  Boston. 
He  had  telegraphed  to  me  to  come  on,  he  said,  because  he 
was  fearful  that  some  unforeseen  difficulty  had  arisen  in  the 
way  of  his  return  into  the  Confederacy.  This  apprehension 
I  quieted  by  assuring  him  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  more 
anxious  for  peace  than  any  one  in  the  country. 


238  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

He  then  said  that  while  waiting  for  me  at  Baltimore 
he  had  met  a  distinguished  clergyman  of  the  Methodist 
Church,  South,  who,  on  the  16th  of  June,  had  a  lengthy 
interview  with  Jefferson  Davis,  at  Richmond.  The  clergy- 
man stated  that  Mr.  Davis  had  said  that  his  government 
would  make  peace  on  no  other  terms  than  a  recognition  of 
Southern  independence.  However,  he,  personally,  would 
foe  disposed  to  agree  to  two  governments,  bound  together  by 
a  league  offensive  and  defensive,  —  for  all  external  pur- 
poses one,  for  all  internal  purposes  two  ;  but  he  would  agree 
to  no  closer  connection. 

It  at  once  occurred  to  me  that  if  this  declaration  could 
be  got  in  such  a  manner  that  it  could  be  given  to  the  pub- 
lic, it  would,  if  scattered  broadcast  over  the  North,  destroy 
the  Peace  party,  and  reelect  Mr.  Lincoln  to  the  presidency, 
to  which  he  had  been  again  nominated.  It  could  not  be 
given  out  as  coming  from  the  Southern  divine,  for  in  that  form 
it  would  not  have  much  weight,  and,  moreover,  it  might  get 
him  into  personal  difficulty ;  but  coming  through  Jaquess  it 
would  be  attended  to  and  believed,  and  would  doubtless 
deal  a  death-blow  to  the  Confederacy.  This  thought  in  my 
mind,  I  suggested  to  Colonel  Jaquess  to  call  at  once  upon  his 
clerical  friend  and  inform  him  that  he  was  then  on  his  way 
to  Richmond,  for  the  purpose  of  having  an  interview  with 
Mr.  Davis  on  the  subject  of  peace ;  that  he  intended  to 
pass  through  our  lines  from  General  Grant's  headquarters 
at  City  Point,  Ya.  I  added  that  the  clergyman  would 
greatly  facilitate  the  work  of  Jaquess  if  he  would  at  once  re- 
turn to  Richmond  by  the  way  he  came,  —  the  Maryland  back 
door,  —  see  Mr.  Davis,  inform  him  that  Jaquess  was  coming, 
and  request  that  some  one  should  be  sent  to  the  Union  lines 
to  meet  him.  This  Colonel  Jaquess  did,  and  the  clergy- 
man agreed  to  set  out  on  the  following  day  for  Richmond. 


THE  PEACE  MISSION  OF  1864.  239 

Then  we  took  the  next  train  for  Washington,  and  I 
called  at  once  upon  Mr.  Lincoln.  About  his  first  remark 
was  that  on  the  very  day  he  had  told  Garfield  to  write  me 
that  he  would  see  Jaquess,  General  Schenck  had  called 
upon  him  with  some  volunteer  advice  as  to  the  terms  he 
should  offer  the  rebels  through  Colonel  Jaquess.  On  sub- 
sequent inquiry  the  President  had  learned  that  Schenck 
had  spoken  of  the  subject  freely  and  everywhere.  "  This," 
he  said,  "  may  greatly  embarrass  me.  I  therefore  refused 
to  see  Jaquess,  and  shall  countermand  his  furlough,  and 
send  him  back  to  his  regiment." 

"  I  am  very  sure,  sir,"  I  said,  "  that  Jaquess  has  never 
disclosed  his  business,  except,  perhaps,  when  it  was 
necessary  in  order  to  get  through  the  lines." 

"  No  doubt, "  he  answered.  "  I  don't  question  his  dis- 
cretion ;  but  the  fact  that  he  has  had  to  mention  it  at  all 
shows  the  thing  should  not  go  any  further.  The  whole 
business  is  irregular,  and  had  better  not  be  proceeded 
with." 

"  That  is,  of  course,  for  you  to  determine,  sir ;  but  will 
you  allow  me  five  minutes  by  a  slow  watch  ?  " 

"  Yes,"  he  answered,  "  ten  ;  and  if  you  are  very  enter- 
taining, I'll  give  you  twenty." 

Then,  as  briefly  as  I  could,  I  spoke  of  the  universal  im- 
pression existing  at  the  North  that  some  honorable  peace 
could  be  made  with  the  South ;  and  I  said  that  if  liberal 
terms  were  offered  to  the  Confederacy,  and  were  refused,  it 
would  remove  that  impression,  kill  the  Peace  party,  and  se- 
cure his  reelection  to  the  presidency.  The  country  was  so 
thoroughly  tired  of  the  war  that  it  would  welcome  any 
peace  that  would  preserve  the  Union.  The  Democrats 
would  promise  such  a  peace,  and  the  result  would  be  that 
their  candidate  would  be  elected  and  the  Union  would  go 


240  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTION 8. 

to  pieces.  On  the  other  hand,  if  Jaquess  went,  and  Davis 
should  refuse  to  negotiate,  —  as  he  probably  would,  except 
on  the  basis  of  Southern  independence,  —  that  fact  alone 
would  unite  the  North,  reelect  him,  and  thus  save  the 
Union. 

"  Then,"  he  said,  "  you  would  fight  the  devil  with  fire  ? 
You  would  get  that  declaration  from  Davis,  and  use  it 
against  him?" 

"  I  would,  sir,"  I  answered.  "  I  would  spread  it  wher- 
ever the  English  language  is  spoken;  and  in  thirty  days 
there  would  not  be  a  Peace  man  at  the  North,  except  in  the 
Copperhead  party.  But  I  would  deal  squarely  with  Davis. 
I  would  offer  him  terms  so  liberal  that,  if  he  rejected  them, 
he  would  stand  condemned  before  the  civilized  world." 

Until  this  time  Mr.  Lincoln  had  sat  with  one  of  his  long 
legs  upon  the  corner  of  the  table,  but  now  he  drew  the  leg 
down,  and  leaned  slightly  forward,  looking  directly  into  my 
eyes,  but  with  an  absent,  far-away  gaze,  as  if  unconscious 
of  my  presence.  Thus  he  sat,  for  fully  a  couple  of  minutes, 
in  absolute  silence.  Then,  relapsing  into  his  usual  manner, 
he  said, "  There  is  something  in  what  you  say.  But  Jaquess 
couldn't  do  it,  —  he  couldn't  draw  Davis's  fire ;  he  is  too 
honest.  You  are  the  man  for  that  business." 

Not  stopping  to  be  amused  by  his  equivocal  compliment, 
I  replied,  "  Excuse  me,  sir,  if  I  differ  from  you.  His  very 
honesty  and  sincerity  exactly  fit  him  for  the  business. 
Davis  is  astute  and  wary,  but  the  colonel's  transparent 
honesty  would  disarm  him  completely." 

"  Have  you  suggested  this  to  Jaquess  ?  " 

"No,  sir." 

"  Well,"  he  said, "  if  you  propose  it  to  him,  he  will  tell  you 
he  won't  have  anything  to  do  with  the  business.  He  feels 
that  he  is  acting  as  God's  servant  and  messenger,  and  he 


THE  PEACE  MISSION  OF  1864.  241 

would  recoil  from  anything  like  political  finesse.  But  if 
Davis  should  make  such  a  declaration,  the  country  should 
know  of  it;  and  I  can  see  that,  coming  from  him  now, 
when  everybody  is  tired  of  the  war,  and  so  many  think 
some  honorable  settlement  can  be  made,  it  might  be  of 
vital  importance  to  us.  But  I  tell  you  that  not  Jaquess, 
but  2/ow,  are  the  man  for  that  business." 

"  Ah !  I  see,  sir,"  I  remarked.  "  You  propose  that  I 
shall  go  upon  this  mission." 

"  No,  I  do  not,"  he  answered.  "  I  do  not  propose  any- 
thing. I  can't  propose  anything  about  such  a  business.  I 
can  only  say  that  I  will  give  you  a  pass  into  the  rebel 
lines,  and  then  —  ask  Jaquess  to  pray  for  you." 

"  When  I  might  be  past  praying  for ! "  I  rejoined. 
"  This  is  a  new  and  unexpected  thought  to  me,  Mr.  Lin- 
coln. Will  you  allow  me  to  consider  it,  and  talk  it  over 
with  Mr.  Chase  and  General  Garfield  ?  " 

"  Certainly,"  he  answered.  "  Talk  with  them,  and  bring 
them  both  here  with  you  this  evening.  I  should  like  to 
confer  with  them  myself,  —  with  Chase  particularly.  Tell 
him  so." 

After  explaining  the  position  of  things  to  Colonel  Jaquess, 
I  went  in  pursuit  of  General  Garfield,  but  found  that  he 
was  away  on  a  trip  to  the  West.  His  opinion  upon  the  proj- 
ect he,  however,  soon  afterwards  wrote  me.  "  I  never  had 
much  faith  in  the  power  of  the  '  Methodist  Church,  South ' 
to  control  Davis ;  but  I  tell  you,  you've  got  the  idea  now 
that  will  dethrone  him.  After  that  declaration  of  his  there 
will  not  be  an  honest  Peace  man  in  the  North." 

With  Mr.  Chase  I  went  Qver  the  whole  ground,  and  he 
expressed  the  decided  opinion  that,  in  view  of  the  state  of 
feeling  in  the  North,  it  was  of  the  first  importance  that 
liberal  terms  should  be  at  once  offered  to  Davis,  and,  if  he 


242  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

should  decline  them,  that  the  country  should  know  the  fact.. 
After  I  had  dined  with  Mr.  Chase,  he  went  with  me  to  the 
White  House.  This  he  did  without  hesitation,  though 
only  a  few  days  before  he  had,  at  Mr.  Lincoln's  suggestion, 
resigned  from  the  Treasury  Department,  and  it  was  cur- 
rently reported  that  relations  between  him  and  Mr.  Lincoln 
were  somewhat  strained.  I  judged,  however,  that  if  any 
feeling  existed,  it  was  entirely  on  the  part  of  Mr.  Chase, 
for  Mr.  Lincoln's  manner  to  him  was  most  cordial,  —  had 
the  frank  trustfulness  that  he  showed  only  to  those  who 
had  his  entire  confidence.  Before  we  were  seated,  he 
said,  "Ah,  Chase,  I  am  glad  you've  come;  but  where  is 
Garfield?" 

"He  is  away  on  a  trip  to  the  West,"  answered  Mr. 
Chase. 

"  Well,  I  wanted  you  particularly,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln. 
"  This  is  a  delicate  and  important  business,  and  I  don't 
want  to  stir  in  it  without  your  advice." 

"  I  know  you  are  sincere  in  that  expression,  Mr.  Lin- 
coln," said  Mr.  Chase,  "  and  I  feel  honored  by  it." 

"  Well,  sit  down,  both  of  you,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  "  and 
let  us  get  to  business.  Now,  Mr.  Gilmore,  have  you 
decided  to  ask  me  for  a  pass  into  the  rebel  lines?" 

"I  have,  sir,"  I  answered,  "on  the  condition  that  you 
allow  me  to  make  such  overtures  to  Davis  as  will  put  him 
entirely  in  the  wrong  if  he  should  reject  them." 

"Well,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  "Mr.  Chase  and  I  will  talk 
about  that  in  a  moment.  But,  first,  another  question  :  Do 
you  understand  that  I  neither  suggest,  nor  request,  nor 
direct  you  to  take  this  journey?" 

"I  do." 

"And  will  you  say  so,  if  it  should  seem  to  me  to  be 
necessary  ?  " 


THE  PEACE  MISSION  OF  1864.  243 

"  I  will,  whether  you  should  ask  it  of  me  or  not." 

"And  if  those  people  should  hold  on  to  you,  —  should 
give  you  free  lodgings  till  our  election  is  over,  or  in  any 
other  manner  treat  you  unlike  gentlemen,  —  do  you  under- 
stand that  I  shall  be  absolutely  powerless  to  help  you  ?  " 

"  I  understand  that,  sir,  fully." 

"  And  you  are  willing  to  go  entirely  upon  your  own 
muscle  ? " 

"  No,  sir,  not  upon  my  muscle.  I  suspect  it  will  be 
more  a  matter  of  nerve  than  of  muscle." 

"  Do  you  hear  that,  Mr.  Chase  ?  "  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  with 
an  indescribable  look  of  comic  gravity.  "  He  criticises  my 
English  at  the  very  moment  I  am  giving  him  an  office. 
Well,  now  that  we  have  arranged  the  preliminaries,  Mr. 
Chase,  what  terms  shall  we  offer  the  rebels  ?  Draw  your 
chair  up  to  the  table,  Mr.  Gilmore,  and  take  down  what 
Mr.  Chase  may  say." 

"  You  had  better  name  the  terms,  Mr.  Lincoln,"  answered 
Mr.  Chase.  "  I  will  make  any  suggestions  that  may  seem 
necessary." 

"  Well,  either  way,"  replied  Mr.  Lincoln. 

He  then  went  on  to  dictate  to  me,  without  interruption 
from  Mr.  Chase,  the  following : 

"  First.  The  immediate  dissolution  of  the  Southern 
Government,  and  disbandment  of  its  armies;  and  the  ac- 
knowledgment by  all  the  States  in  rebellion  of  the  suprem- 
acy of  the  Union. 

"  Second.  The  total  and  absolute  abolition  of  slavery  in 
every  one  of  the  late  Slave  States  and  throughout  the 
Union.  This  to  be  perpetual. 

"  Third.  Full  amnesty  to  all  who  have  been  in  any  way 
engaged  in  the  rebellion,  and  their  restoration  to  all  the 
rights  of  citizenship. 


244  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

"  Fourth.  All  acts  of  secession  to  be  regarded  as  nulli- 
ties ;  and  the  late  rebellious  States  to  be,  and  be  regarded, 
as  if  they  had  never  attempted  to  secede  from  the  Union. 
Eepresentation  in  the  House  from  the  recent  Slave  States 
to  be  on  the  basis  of  their  voting  population." 

Here  Mr.  Chase  remarked,  "  About  that  I  may  want  to 
say  something,  Mr.  Lincoln ;  but  please  to  go  on  now,  and 
I  will  suggest  some  points  afterwards." 

"  Very  well,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln. 

"  Fifth.  The  sum  of  five  hundred  millions,  in  United 
States  stock,  to  be  issued  and  divided  between  the  late 
Slave  States,  to  be  used  by  them  in  payment  to  slave-own- 
ers, loyal  and  disloyal,  for  the  slaves  emancipated  by  my 
proclamation.  This  sum  to  be  divided  among  the  late 
slave-owners,  equally  and  equitably,  at  the  rate  of  one-half 
the  value  of  the  slaves  in  the  year  1860 ;  and  if  any  sur- 
plus should  remain,  it  to  be  returned  to  the  United  States 
Treasury. 

"  Sixth.  A  national  convention  to  be  convened  as  soon 
as  practicable,  to  ratify  this  settlement,  and  make  such 
changes  in  the  Constitution  as  may  be  in  accord  with  the 
new  order  of  things. 

"  Seventh.  The  intent  and  meaning  of  all  the  foregoing 
is  that  the  Union  shall  be  fully  restored,  as  it  was  before 
the  Rebellion,  with  the  exception  that  all  slaves  within  its 
borders  are,  and  shall  forever  be,  freemen." 

As  he  finished  the  dictation,  Mr.  Lincoln  turned  to  Mr. 
Chase,  saying,  "  All  which,  Mr.  Chase,  is  respectfully  sub- 
mitted ;  and  now  I  am  open  to  amendments." 

A  two  hours'  discussion  followed  upon  the  fourth  and 
fifth  clauses.  The  fourth  clause  Mr.  Chase  desired  should 
be  modified,  so  as  to  provide  expressly  for  negro  suffrage. 
Mr.  Lincoln  replied  that  it  did,  in  effect,  secure  it,  because 


THE  PEACE  MISSION  OF  1864.  245 

it  based  representation  upon  the  voting  population.  It 
would  be  unadvisable  to  embarrass  a  negotiation  like  this 
with  such  a  question. 

To  the  fifth  clause  Mr.  Chase  objected  altogether,  con- 
tending that  it  would  be  regarded  as  "  buying  a  peace,"  and 
in  its  present  mood  the  North  would  not  submit  to  such  a 
measure.  Mr.  Lincoln  must  bear  in  mind  that  no  peace 
could  be  lasting  that  was  not  based  upon  principles  of 
eternal  justice  ;  and  by  those  principles  the  black  was 
entitled  to  both  freedom  and  suffrage,  without  payment 
or  thanks  to  any  one.  To  this  Mr.  Lincoln  replied  that 
the  sum  named  was  less  than  would  be  the  cost  of  another 
year  of  war,  to  say  nothing  of  the  bloodshed ;  and  it  was 
also  right  to  pay  for  property  we  had  destroyed,  —  repeat- 
ing much  the  same  arguments  he  had  used  to  me  fully 
a  year  previously.  The  clause  was  finally  modified  by 
restricting  payment  to  owners  of  fifty  slaves  and  under, 
and  reducing  the  amount  named  to  an  absolute  sum  of  four 
hundred  millions.  To  this  Mr.  Chase  finally  assented,  with 
the  remark, "  I  conceive  that  it  makes  but  very  little  differ- 
ence. Mr.  Davis  is  not  likely  to  accept  the  offer.  Mr. 
Gilmore  is  confident  that  he  will  not  accept  of  peace  with- 
out separation.  To  get  his  declaration  to  that  effect  is 
why  you  send  Mr.  Gilmore." 

"  True,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  "  but  peace  may  possibly  come 
out  of  this ;  and  I  don't  want  to  say  a  word  that  is  not  in 
good  faith.  We  want  to  draw  Davis's  fire ;  but  we  must 
do  it  fairly.  What  I  think  of  most  is  the  risk  Mr.  Gilmore 
will  run.  The  case  is  not  the  same  with  him  as  with 
Jaquess.  There  is  something  about  that  man,  a  kind  of 
'thus  saith  the  Lord,'  that  would  protect  him  anywhere. 
But  Gilmore  is  not  Jaquess.  He  will  go  in  with  my  pass, 
and  the  rebels  won't  talk  with  him  five  minutes  before  they 


246  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

ascertain  that  he  is  fully  possessed  of  my  views.  He  will 
say  he  doesn't  represent  me ;  but  they  will  think  they 
know  better.  Now,  as  the  thing  they  want  most  is  our 
recognition  of  them,  may  they  not  hold  on  to  him,  to  force 
me  to  some  step  for  his  protection  that  shall  recognize 
them  ?  And  if  they  decline  the  overtures,  as  they  probably 
will,  is  it  not  likely  they  will  refuse  to  let  him  out  before 
our  election,  because  of  the  damage  he  may  do  their  friends 
by  publishing  the  facts  to  the  country  ?  Now,  Mr.  Chase, 
can  you  see  any  way  by  which  I  can  protect  him  ?  " 

"  I  cannot,"  replied  Mr.  Chase,  "  unless  you  should  copy 
the  proposals  into  a  letter  addressed  to  Mr.  Gilmore,  sign 
it,  and  in  it  request  him  to  read  it  to  Mr.  Davis.  That 
would  give  him  a  semi-official  character,  and  they  would 
not  dare  to  molest  him." 

"That  I  can't  do,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln.  "It  would  be 
making  direct  overtures.  I  don't  see,  Gilmore,  but  you 
will  have  to  trust  in  the  Lord ;  only  be  sure  to  keep  your 
powder  dry,  for  they  are  wily  and  unscrupulous  fellows." 

I  then  informed  him  that  Colonel  Jaquess  had  agreed  to 
go  with  me,  and  I  should  hesitate  to  go  without  him,  as  I 
should  need  the  help  of  his  cool  courage  to  give  me  -the 
backbone  requisite  for  the  occasion.  To  this  he  assented, 
and,  turning  to  his  table,  he  wrote  a  couple  of  passes.  They 
were  on  small  cards,  one  of  which  said,  simply  : 

Will  General  Grant  allow  J.  R.  Gilmore  and  friend  to  pass  our 
lines,  with  ordinary  baggage,  and  go  South  ? 

A.  LINCOLN. 
July  6,  1864. 

This  I  delivered  to  General  Grant ;  the  other  I  was  able 
to  retain.  It  read  as  follows,  and  is  now  in  the  Historical 
Library  of  the  Johns  Hopkins  University : 


THE  PEACE  MISSION  OF  1864.  247 

Allow  J.  R.  Gilmore  and  friend  to  pass,  with  ordinary  baggage, 
to  General  Grant,  at  his  headquarters. 

A.  LINCOLN. 
July  6,  1864. 

As  I  glanced  at  the  cards,  he  remarked,  "  Tell  Colonel 
Jaquess  that  I  omit  his  name  on  account  of  the  talk  about 
his  previous  trip ;  and  I  wish  you  would  explain  to  him  iny 
refusal  to  see  him.  I  want  him  to  feel  kindly  to  me." 

As  Mr.  Chase  and  I  rose  to  go,  he  rose  also,  and,  bidding 
"  Good  night "  to  Mr.  Chase,  he  took  me  by  the  hand,  and 
said,  "  God  bless  and  prosper  you.  My  best  wishes  will  be 
with  you.  Good-by."  Then  he  added,  still  holding  my 
hand,  "  Have  you  looked  squarely  in  the  face  that  if  you 
get  into  trouble  I  can  in  no  way  help  you,  that  I  shall  be 
obliged  to  say  that,  while  I  have  given  you  the  terms  on 
which  I  am  personally  willing  to  settle  this  thing,  I  have 
not  authorized  you  to  offer  these,  or  any  terms  whatever  ?  " 

I  answered, "  I  think  the  object,  sir,  is  worth  the  risk.  I 
shall  tell  Davis  distinctly  that  I  have  no  authority,  and 
only  desire  to  open  the  door  for  official  negotiations." 

"Well,  you  had  better  go  to  General  Butler;  tell  him 
the  whole  story,  and  that  I  say  /  cannot  protect  you,  but 
will  shut  my  eyes  to  anything  he  may  do.  Say  this  to 
Butler,  but  nothing  to  Grant  or  to  any  one  else,  for  if  the 
feeling  in  Richmond  is  as  hostile  to  us  as  it  is  said  to  be, 
you'll  need  to  keep  as  much  in  the  dark  as  possible.  Now, 
good-by.  I  hope  to  see  you  again  soon." 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

OUB   VISIT   TO   RICHMOND. 

IT  was  after  midnight  when  I  recounted  this  interview 
with  President  Lincoln  to  Colonel  Jaquess,  and  told  him 
that  we  would  take  the  City  Point  boat  on  the  following 
afternoon. 

It  wanted  several  hours  of  sunset  the  second  day  follow- 
ing, when  the  boat  rounded  to  under  the  abrupt  promontory 
which  bears  the  name  of  City  Point,  Va.  A  large  flag  was 
flying  among  the  trees  which  crown  the  higher  part  of  the 
headland,  and,  making  our  way  to  it,  we  asked  for  the  head- 
quarters of  General  Grant. 

"Yonder  in  that  tent.  He  is  sitting  there,  you  see,'* 
replied  an  adjutant.  Without  more  ceremony  we  passed 
down  the  grassy  avenue  and  presented  ourselves  before 
him.  He  was  seated  on  a  camp-stool,  smoking  a  cigar,, 
and  listening  to  the  reading  of  a  newspaper  by  General 
Rawlins.  A  few  other  officers  sat  near,  and  something 
which  had  just  been  read  appeared  to  amuse  them  greatly. 
The  general  looked  up  as  we  approached,  and  as  he  espied 
my  companion  he  rose  rather  hastily.  "  Ah,  colonel,"  he 
said,  extending  his  hand,  "  I  am  glad  to  see  you.  It's  a 
long  time  since  we  met." 

"Not  since  Pittsburg  Landing,  I  believe,  general.  I 
think  we  met  there,"  returned  my  companion. 

"  Yes,  I  remember ;  I  remember  the  work  you  did  there 
for  the  wounded.  When  did  you  leave  Sherman?  " 

248 


OUE    VISIT  TO  RICHMOND.  249 

"  About  ten  days  ago.  I  brought  despatches  from  him 
to  the  War  Department." 

"  I  have  heard  from  him  later  than  that.  He  is  doing 
splendidly ;  handling  his  army  magnificently." 

Then  the  colonel  introduced  me  to  the  general,  and  at 
this  break  in  the  conversation  I  said  to  him :  "  We  want 
your  ear,  sir,  privately,  for  a  few  moments." 

"  Certainly ;  walk  in  this  way,"  and,  rising,  he  led  us 
into  his  sleeping  apartment,  a  square  tent,  with  a  single 
strip  of  carpet  on  the  ground,  a  low  camp-cot  in  one  corner, 
and  a  portable  desk,  covered  with  open  papers,  in  the  other. 

Handing  him  then  a  note  of  introduction  I  had  with 
me,  I  briefly  explained  our  wishes. 

"I  don't  believe  the  rebels  will  receive  you,"  he  an- 
swered. "They  have  not  answered  a  flag  for  a  month. 
However,  I  will  send  one.  I  shall  have  to  address  General 
Lee.  Shall  I  say  you  want  to  meet  Judge  Ould  ? "  he 
asked,  drawing  his  stool  to  the  desk. 

"  If  you  please ;  and  if  he  declines  to  pass  us,  please  ask 
him  to  refer  our  request  to  President  Davis." 

While  he  was  writing  it  I  noted  more  particularly  his 
appearance.  He  was  of  about  the  medium  height,  with  a 
large  head,  a  compact  frame,  and  deep,  broad  chest  and 
shoulders.  His  hair  was  brown,  his  eyes  were  a  clear,  deep 
gray,  and  his  features  were  regular  and  of  a  cast  that  might 
be  called  "massive,  Grecian."  Though  his  first  meeting 
with  the  colonel  was  decidedly  cordial,  his  usual  manner 
was  cool  and  undemonstrative  ;  but  with  this  coolness  was 
a  certain  earnest  simplicity  that  impressed  one  very  favor- 
ably. In  his  face  was  the  unyielding  persistency  which  had 
won  for  him  so  many  battles,  but  there  was  nothing  else 
remarkable  about  him.  He  did  not  at  once  magnetize  a 
stranger  with  a  sense  of  his  genius,  as  did  Rosecrans. 


250  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

The  note  finished,  the  conversation  then  took  a  general 
turn,  and  in  a  clear,  simple  way  he  explained  the  military 
situation,  expressing  the  opinion  that  the  fall  of  Richmond 
and  the  defeat  of  Lee,  though  they  might  be  delayed,  were 
inevitable  events. 

As  we  passed  back  towards  the  wharf  we  met  a  number 
of  officers  just  landed  from  a  small  steamer.  One  of  them, 
though  I  had  never  seen  him,  I  knew  at  once  to  be  General 
Butler.  Obeying  a  sudden  impulse,  I  halted  as  he  came 
abreast  of  us  and  said  to  him : 

"  I  want  to  take  you  by  the  hand ;  I  am,  myself,  a  live 
Yankee,"  and  I  mentioned  my  name. 

Giving  me  a  cordial  grasp,  he  replied :  "  I'm  delighted  to 
meet  you.  Come  up  and  see  me.  Take  the  Gazelle  to  Point 
of  Rocks  —  don't  go  to  Bermuda.  Come  to-morrow." 

I  then  introduced  the  colonel,  and  the  general  again 
urging  us  to  visit  him,  we  promised  to  do  so. 

Reporting  our  intended  absence  to  General  Grant,  and 
requesting  him  to  forward  Lee's  answer  to  us  by  telegraph, 
we  set  out  on  the  following  morning  for  the  headquarters 
of  "  our  Massachusetts  general."  We  found  them  about  a 
mile  distant  from  the  Appomattox  River,  in  a  worn-out 
tobacco  field,  flanked  on  two  sides  by  dense  woods,  and 
hemmed  in  on  the  others  by  "  moving  "  banks  of  Virginia 
sand.  It  was  a  dreary  spot,  but  we  forgot  that  the  moment 
we  entered  the  general's  tent,  and  he  accosted  us  with : 

"  I'm  glad  you've  come.  There  are  two  cots  in  the  cor- 
ner. They  are  yours.  I  sent  your  flag  this  morning.  It 
may  not  be  back  for  some  days.  In  the  meantime  make 
yourselves  at  home.  Go  and  come  when  you  like,  and  do 
exactly  as  you  please." 

When  we  were  seated,  he  said :  "  I  want  to  tell  you  of  a 
smart  thing  that  was  done  this  morning  by  one  of  my  aides, 


OUR    VISIT  TO  RICHMOND.  251 

—  Lieutenant-Colonel  Greene,  a  son  of  Nathaniel  Greene,  the 
veteran  editor  of  the  Boston  Post.  On  account  of  our  dis- 
agreements as  to  the  exchange  of  prisoners,  the  rebels  have, 
for  several  weeks,  refused  to  hold  any  communication  with 
us ;  but,  on  receiving  Grant's  despatch  to  Lee  about  you,  I 
sent  Greene  down  to  the  lines  armed  with  a  flask  of  brandy 
and  a  box  of  cigars,  telling  him  to  get  it  through,  some- 
how. He  sat  his  horse  there  for  half  an  hour,  the  rebels 
not  deigning  to  notice  him ;  but  finally  a  major  on  Lee's 
staff,  whom  Greene  had  met  before,  rode  over  to  meet  him. 
He  declined  to  receive  the  despatch,  but  smoked  Greene's 
cigars  and  drank  his  brandy,  and  finally  agreed  that,  if 
Greene  would  open  and  read  the  despatch  to  him,  he  would 
give  the  contents  to  Lee  orally.  Then  Greene  brought  back 
the  despatch  to  me.  I  opened  it,  and  sent  him  back  with 
it  and  another  flask  of  brandy.  So,  with  a  little  Yankee 
cuteness,  we  got  the  despatch  to  Lee,  who  forwarded  it  to 
Jeff  Davis." 

We  remained  with  the  general  nearly  three  days.  Then 
one  morning  the  flag  of  truce  came  into  camp  with  a  des- 
patch from  the  War  Department,  dated  Richmond,  Va., 
July  12, 1864,  which  announced  that  Colonel  Robert  Ould, 
agent  of  exchange,  would  meet  us  at  a  point  near  Deep 
Bottom,  —  Mrs.  Grover's  house,  —  on  Thursday,  the  14th 
of  July,  to  receive  any  communication  we  had  to  make. 
The  despatch  had  been  forwarded  to  us  by  General  Grant, 
with  a  request  that  we  would  report  to  him,  at  our  early 
convenience,  at  his  headquarters. 

It  was  a  seven-mile  ride  on  a  couple  of  hard-trotting 
horses,  but  in  a  little  more  than  an  hour  we  were  seated 
with  General  Grant  in  his  private  tent  at  City  Point. 
About  his  first  remark  was,  "I  did  not  expect  the  Confed- 
erates would  pay  any  attention  to  my  letter,  but  it  appears 


252  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

they  have.     Now,  allow  me  to  ask  why  you  want  to  go  to 
Richmond  ?  " 

"  We  would  be  glad  to  tell  you,  general,"  I  answered, 
"  but  we  are  not  at  liberty  to  do  so." 

"  Then  you  can't  go,"  he  replied,  curtly. 

"  But,  sir,"  I  said,  much  surprised,  "  have  you  not  Mr. 
Lincoln's  order  to  pass  us  through  ?  " 

"  Yes,"  he  answered,  "  but  Mr.  Lincoln  does  not  under- 
stand the  situation.  You  have  been  here  nearly  a  week, 
and  have  thoroughly  inspected  everything  about  my  army. 
No  doubt  you  are  both  loyal  men,  but  what  you  have  seen 
would  be  of  great  interest  to  the  rebels ;  and,  while  you  ^re- 
entirely  honest,  you  may  not  be  altogether  discreet.  There- 
fore, I  cannot  let  you  go.  I  couldn't  do  it  if  you  were  my 
own  brothers." 

My  first  thought  was  that  our  journey  was  over,  but  then 
it  flashed  upon  me  that  there  was  a  telegraph  between  City 
Point  and  Washington,  and  I  said,  "  Your  caution,  general^ 
is  perhaps  called  for  by  the  circumstances ;  but  you  have 
telegraphic  communication  with  Mr.  Lincoln,  —  will  you 
not  kindly  put  to  him,  personally,  whatever  questions  you 
want  answered  ?  " 

"  I  will,"  he  answered,  promptly,  as  if  relieved  from  an 
unpleasant  duty.  "  Meanwhile,  make  yourselves  at  home 
here." 

Breakfast  was  nearly  over  on  the  following  morning 
before  General  Grant  so  much  as  alluded  to  passing  us 
through  the  lines ;  then  he  said,  "  I  will  have  the  flag-of- 
truce  boat  at  Point  of  Rocks,  ready  to  take  you  to  your 
appointment  early  to-morrow  morning,  but,  meanwhile,  I 
think  you  had  better  return  to  General  Butler,  and  tell  him 
that  I  wish  he  would  send  with  you,  to  meet  Commissioner 
Ould,  as  many  of  his  general  officers  as  he  can  spare, — 


OUR    VISIT  TO  RICHMOND.  253 

not  less  than  half  a  dozen.  I  will  send  as  many  to  you 
with  the  boat." 

"  But,  is  it  necessary,  general,"  I  asked,  "  that  there 
should  be  so  much  fuss  and  feathers  ?  A  couple  of  horses 
and  an  orderly  will  be  all  we  shall  need." 

He  answered,  "  Mr.  Lincoln  has  specially  requested  it. 
He  can  give  you  no  credentials,  and  so  you  have  to  go 
without  a  safeguard;  therefore  it  is  important,  both  for 
your  safety  and  the  success  of  your  business,  that  those 
people  should  understand  that  you  come  direct  from  the 
President,  and  do,  in  fact,  represent  the  Government.  And 
another  thing,  Mr.  Lincoln  is  fearful  that  Davis  will  find 
some  pretext  for  holding  on  to  you  till  after  the  presi- 
dential election,  and  he  hopes  you  will  not  fail  to  tell  the 
whole  story  to  General  Butler,  and  to  assure  him  that  he 
will  be  sustained  in  whatever  course  he  may  take  for  your 
protection." 

The  programme  was  carried  out,  and  about  one  o'clock  on 
the  following  day  we  met  the  Confederate  officials.  Colo- 
nel Mulford,  the  Union  exchange  commissioner,  was  with 
us,  and  after  he  had  introduced  us  and  our  escort  to 
Colonel  Ould,  the  latter  turned  to  Mulford,  and  said, "  It  is 
a  long  time  since  we  have  met,  colonel.  What  can  I  do 
for  you?" 

"  Oh,  nothing,"  answered  Mulford.  "  We  have  merely 
come  along  to  escort  these  gentlemen." 

The  mingled  surprise  and  deference  that  came  into 
Quid's  face  and  manner  was  a  living  witness  to  the 
remarkable  shrewdness  of  Mr.  Lincoln.  The  interview 
was  very  brief,  for  though  sent  down  to  meet  us  by  Mr. 
Davis,  Colonel  Ould  had  not  seen  him,  nor  had  he  any 
authority  to  take  us  up  to  Richmond.  We  parted  to  meet 
again  two  days  later,  when  Ould  would  conduct  us  into 


254  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

the  august  presence  of  the  grand  mogul  of  the  Southern 
Confederacy. 

On  the  morning  of  Saturday,  the  16th  of  July,  just  as 
the  "  Yankee "  clocks  in  that  part  of  the  country  were 
striking  nine,  taking  General  Butler  by  the  hand,  I  said 
to  him : 

"  Good-by.  If  you  do  not  see  us  within  ten  days,  you 
will  know  that  we  have  '  gone  up.' " 

"  If  I  do  not  see  you  in  less  than  that  time,"  he  replied, 
"  I'll  demand  you,  and  if  they  don't  produce  you,  body  and 
soul,  I'll  take  two  for  one,  —  better  men  than  you  are,  — 
and  hang  them  higher  than  Haman.  My  hand  on  that. 
Good-by." 

Our  boat  ran  into  the  fire  of  a  Confederate  battery  that 
was  shelling  some  of  our  gunboats  lying  under  a  high  bluff 
on  the  river ;  but  at  three  o'clock  that  afternoon,  mounted 
on  two  raw-boned  relics  of  Sheridan's  great  raid,  and 
armed  with  a  white  handkerchief  tied  to  a  short  stick,  we 
rode  up  to  the  Confederate  lines.  A  ragged,  yellow-faced 
boy,  with  a  carbine  in  one  hand,  and  another  white  hand- 
kerchief tied  to  another  short  stick  in  the  other,  came  out 
to  meet  us. 

To  him  we  said,  "  Can  you  tell  us,  my  man,  where  to 
find  Judge  Ould,  the  exchange  commissioner  ? " 

"  Yas.  Him  and  t'other  'change  officers  is  over  ter  the 
plantation  beyont  Miss  Grover's.  Ye'll  know  it  by  its 
hevin'  nary  door  nur  winder  "  —  the  mansion,  he  meant. 
"  They're  all  busted  in.  Foller  the  bridle-path  through  the 
timber,  and  keep  your  rag  a-flyin',  fur  our  boys  are  thicker'n 
huckleberries  in  them  woods,  and  they  mought  pop  ye,  ef 
they  didn't  seed  it." 

Thanking  him,  we  turned  our  horses  into  the  "  timber," 
and,  galloping  rapidly  on,  soon  came  in  sight  of  the  deserted 


OUR    VISIT  TO  RICHMOND.  255 

plantation.  Lolling  on  the  grass,  in  the  shade  of  the  win- 
dowless  mansion,  we  found  the  Confederate  officials.  They 
rose  as  we  approached,  and  I  said  to  the  judge : 

"  We  are  late,  but  it's  your  fault.  Your  people  fired  at 
us  down  the  river,  and  we  had  to  turn  back  and  come 
overland." 

"  You  don't  suppose  they  saw  your  flag  ?  " 

"  No.  It  was  hidden  by  the  trees ;  but  a  shot  came  un- 
comfortably near  us.  It  struck  the  shore,  and  ricocheted 
not  three  yards  off.  A  little  nearer,  and  it  would  have 
shortened  me  by  a  head,  and  the  colonel  by  two  feet." 

"  That  would  have  been  a  sad  thing  for  you  ;  but  a  miss, 
you  know,  is  as  good  as  a  mile,"  said  the  judge,  evidently 
enjoying  the  "  joke." 

In  addition  to  two  very  gentlemanly  aides,  there  were 
with  Commissioner  Ould  some  other  officials,  whose  ap- 
pearance indicated  that  we  were  to  be  welcomed  in  Rich- 
mond. 

One  of  them  was  a  stoutly  built  man  of  medium  height, 
with  a  short,  thick  neck,  and  arms  and  shoulders  denoting 
great  strength.  He  looked  a  natural-born  jailer,  and  much 
such  a  character  as  a  timid  man  would  not  care  to  en- 
counter, except  in  range  of  a  rifle  warranted  to  fire  twenty 
shots  a  minute,  and  to  hit  every  time.  This  was  Mr.  Charles 
Javins,  of  the  Richmond  Provost-Guard,  and  he  was  our 
shadow  in  Dixie.  Another  was  a  "  likely  cullud  gemman," 
named  Jack,  who  told  us  he  was  almost  the  sole  survivor  of 
"Massa  Allen's"  twelve  hundred  slaves,  —  "De  res'  all 
stole,  massa,  —  stole  by  you  Yankees;"  and  the  others 
were  two  mules  hitched  to  an  ambulance,  which,  over  ruts, 
stumps,  and  an  awful  sandy  road,  bore  us  safely  to  the 
rebel  capital. 

To  give  us  a  moonlight  view  of  the  fortifications,  Judge 


256  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

Ould  proposed  to  start  after  sundown ;  and  as  it  wanted 
some  hours  of  that  time,  we  seated  ourselves  on  the  ground, 
and  entered  into  a  conversation  which  lasted  until  the  sun 
had  gone  down,  when  he  ordered  up  the  vehicles  for  our 
fourteen-mile  journey.  He  led  the  way,  with  his  aides,  in 
an  open  wagon,  and  we  followed  in  the  covered  ambulance, 
our  shadow,  Mr.  Javins,  sitting  between  us  and  the  twi- 
light. As  we  went  on,  we  encountered  at  each  picket- 
station  a  strong  body  of  men,  —  strong  enough  in  all  to 
picket  an  army  of  thirty  thousand,  —  and  half  way  on  the 
route  we  espied,  on  a  hill  at  the  right  of  the  road,  a  collec- 
tion of  Sibley  tents,  numerous  enough  to  house  a  thousand 
men.  The  tents  were  lighted  up,  but,  looking  closely  at 
them,  I  observed  that  the  lights  were  not  stationary,  but 
moving  from  one  tent  to  another.  Telling  Jack  to  call  to 
Colonel  Ould  to  halt,  as  I  desired  to  speak  with  him,  I  said, 
when  we  caught  up  with  his  wagon,  "  Colonel,  how  many 
men  have  you  in  those  tents  yonder  ?  " 

"  I  don't  know,"  he  answered ;  "  how  many  do  you 
suppose  ?  " 

"  Probably  a  dozen,"  I  replied,  "  certainly  not  more  than 
twenty.  Now,  colonel,  you  have  taken  a  great  deal  of 
trouble  to  pull  the  wool  over  our  eyes,  but  we  can  see 
through  a  plank  when  there's  a  hole  in  it.  We  have  been 
three  days  with  General  Butler,  and  he  has  your  entire 
army  mapped,  to  the  smallest  company.  We  know  from 
him  that  you  have  less  than  2,400  men  opposite  Deep 
Bottom,  and  we  have  seen  at  least  two-thirds  of  that  num- 
ber already  on  your  picket-stations.  Hurry  them  back  to 
where  they  belong,  for  if  Grant  should  discover  this,  he 
might  attack  you  on  this  line  before  morning,  and  your 
people  would  think  we  had  something  to  do  with  it." 

Ould  laughed,  and  asked  me  to  pass  to  him  a  flask  of  But- 


OUR    VISIT  TO  RICHMOND.  257 

ler's  brandy  that  I  had  in  my  pocket,  —  he  had  already 
exhausted  one  that  I  had  brought  for  him  from  the  general. 

Then  we  rode  on  as  before,  until  at  about  nine  o'clock 
that  night  we  halted  at  the  private  entrance  of  the  Spots- 
wood  Hotel,  in  Richmond.  As  we  alighted  from  the  ambu- 
lance, Ould  said  to  Colonel  Jaquess,  "  Button  your  duster 
up  closely,  —  your  uniform  must  not  be  seen  here." 

The  colonel  did  as  he  was  bidden ;  and,  without  stopping 
to  register  our  names  at  the  office,  we  entered  the  private 
doorway  of  the  hotel,  and  followed  the  judge  and  his  aide 
up-stairs  to  room  No.  60.  It  was  a  large,  square  apart- 
ment in  the  fourth  story,  with  a  ragged,  unswept  carpet, 
and  bare  white  walls,  smeared  with  soot  and  tobacco  juice. 
Several  chairs,  a  marble-top  table,  and  a  pine  wash-stand 
and  clothes-press  straggled  about  the  floor,  and  in  the  cor- 
ners were  three  beds  garnished  with  tattered  pillow-shams 
and  covered  with  white  counterpanes,  grown  gray  with  long- 
ing for  soap-suds  and  a  wash-tub.  The  plainer  and  humbler 
of  these  beds  was  designed  for  our  guard,  the  burly  Mr. 
Javins ;  the  others  had  been  made  ready  for  the  two  indi- 
viduals who,  in  defiance  of  all  precedent,  had  just  "  taken 
Richmond." 

We  had  eaten  nothing  since  setting  out  early  in  the 
morning  from  General  Butler's  headquarters,  but  now,  on 
our  entering  the  room,  the  judge  said,  "  You  want  supper. 
What  shall  we  order?" 

I  answered,  "  A  slice  of  hot  corn  bread  would  make  me 
the  happiest  man  in  Richmond." 

The  judge's  aide  thereupon  left  the  room,  and  shortly 
returning  remarked,  "  The  landlord  swears  you're  from 
Georgia.  He  says  none  but  a  Georgian  would  call  for 
corn  bread  at  this  time  of  night." 

Upon  this  the  judge  remarked,  "  It  is  not  entirely  safe 


258  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

for  you  to  pass  here  as  Yankees,  —  it  would  be  far  better 
if  you  were  supposed  to  be  Georgians,  —  emissaries  from 
Governor  Brown,  sent  here  to  arrange  his  differences  with 
the  Confederate  Government."1  On  this  hint  we  acted, 
and  when  our  sooty  attendant  came  in  with  the  supper 
things  we  discussed  Georgia  mines,  Georgia  banks,  and, 
Georgia  mosquitoes  in  a  way  that  showed  we  had  been 
bitten  by  all  of  them.  The  false  news  was  soon  noised 
abroad,  and  on  the  following  morning  the  Richmond  papers 
announced  that  the  two  gentlemen  the  Confederacy  had 
under  guard  at  the  Spotswood  Hotel  were  commissioners 
from  Governor  Brown,  of  Georgia. 

We  invited  Judge  Ould  and  his  aide  to  sup  with  us,  and,, 
the  meal  being  over,  the  judge  said,  "  In  the  morning  you 
had  better  address  a  note  to  Mr.  Benjamin,  asking  an 
interview  with  the  President.  I  will  call  at  ten  o'clock, 
and  take  it  to  him." 

"  Very  well,"  I  replied.  "  But  will  Mr.  Davis  see  us  on 
Sunday?" 

"  Oh,  that  will  make  no  difference." 

On  the  following  morning  we  indited  a  note,  of  which 
the  one  below  is  a  verbatim  copy,  to  the  Confederate  Sec- 
retary of  State. 

SPOTSWOOD  HOUSE,  RICHMOND,  VA., 

July  17, 1864. 
HON.  J.  P.  BENJAMIN,  SECRETARY  OF  STATE,  ETC. 

Dear  Sir :  —  The  undersigned  respectfully  solicit  an  interview 
with  President  Davis. 

They  visit  Richmond  only  as  private  citizens,  and  have  no  official 
character  or  authority ;  but  they  are  acquainted  with  the  views  of  the 
United  States  Government,  and  with  the  sentiments  of  the  Northern 

1  Some  years  after  the  Civil  War  I  related  this  incident  to  ex-Governor  (then 
17.  S.  Senator)  Joseph  E.  Brown,  who,  laughing  heartily,  said  that  he  was  glad 
that  he  had,  though  unwittingly,  contributed  to  my  safety  when  in  Richmond. 


OUR    VISIT  TO  RICHMOND.  259 

people,  relative  to  an  adjustment  of  the  differences  existing  between 
the  North  and  the  South,  and  earnestly  hope  that  a  free  interchange 
of  views  between  President  Davis  and  themselves  may  open  the  way 
to  such  official  negotiations  as  will  result  in  restoring  PEACE  to  the 
two  sections  of  our  distracted  country. 

They  therefore  ask  an  interview  with  the  President,  and,  awaiting 
your  reply,  are 

Truly  and  respectfully  yours. 

This  was  signed  by  both  of  us ;  and  when  the  judge 
called  as  he  had  appointed,  we  sent  it,  together  with  a 
commendatory  letter  I  had  received  on  setting  out  from 
Washington,  from  a  near  relative  of  Mr.  Davis,  to  the 
Confederate  Secretary.  In  half  an  hour  Judge  Ould  re- 
turned, saying,  "  Mr.  Benjamin  sends  you  his  compliments, 
and  will  be  happy  to  see  you  at  the  State  Department." 

Leaving  our  vacant  room  under  guard  of  Mr.  Javins,  we 
set  out,  escorted  by  Judge  Ould,  for  the  interview.  We 
found  Secretary  Benjamin — a  short,  plump,  oily  little  man 
in  black,  with  a  keen  black  eye,  a  Jewish  face,  a  yellow 
skin,  curly  black  hair,  closely  trimmed  black  whiskers,  and 
a  ponderous  gold  watch-chain  —  in  the  northwest  room  of 
the  old  United  States  Custom-house.  Over  the  door  of 
this  room  were  the  words  "  State  Department,"  and  about 
its  walls  were  hung  a  few  maps  and  battle-plans.  In  one 
corner  was  a  tier  of  shelves  filled  with  books,  —  among 
which  I  afterwards  noticed  Pollard's  "  History,"  Lossing's 
"  Pictorial,"  Parton's  "  Butler  in  New  Orleans,"  Greeley's 
"  American  Conflict,"  my  own  "  Among  the  Pines,"  a  com- 
plete set  of  the  "  Rebellion  Record,"  and  a  dozen  numbers 
and  several  bound  volumes  of  the  Atlantic  and  Conti- 
nental monthlies.  In  the  centre  of  the  apartment  was 
a  black  walnut  table,  covered  with  green  cloth,  and  filled 
with  a  multitude  of  papers.  At  this  table  sat  the  Secre- 
tary. He  rose  as  we  entered  and,  as  Judge  Ould  intro- 


260  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

duced  us,  took  our  hands,  and  said,  "  I  am  glad,  very  glad, 
to  meet  you,  gentlemen.  I  have  read  your  note,  and  "  — 

bowing  to  me  —  "  the  letter  you  bring  from .  Your 

errand  commands  my  respect  and  sympathy.  Pray  be 
seated." 

The  colonel,  drawing  off  his  duster,  and  displaying  his 
uniform,  said,  "  We  thank  you  for  this  cordial  reception, 
Mr.  Benjamin.  We  trust  you  will  be  as  glad  to  hear  us  as 
you  are  to  see  us." 

"No  doubt  I  shall  be,  for  you  come  to  talk  of  peace. 
Peace  is  what  we  all  want." 

"  It  is,  indeed ;  and  for  that  reason  we  have  come  to  see 
Mr.  Davis.  Can  we  see  him,  sir  ?  " 

"  Do  you  bring  any  overtures  to  him  from  your  Govern- 
ment?" 

"  No,  sir,"  answered  the  colonel.  "  We  bring  no  over- 
tures, and  have  no  authority  from  our  Government.  We 
stated  that  in  our  note.  We  would  be  glad,  however,  to 
know  what  terms  will  be  acceptable  to  Mr.  Davis.  If  they 
at  all  harmonize  with  Mr.  Lincoln's  views,  we  will  report 
them  to  him,  and  so  open  the  door  for  official  negotiations." 

"  Are  you  acquainted  with  Mr.  Lincoln's  views  ?  " 

"  One  of  us  is,  fully,"  answered  Colonel  Jaquess. 

"Did  Mr.  Lincoln  in  any  way  authorize  you  to  come 
here?" 

"  No,  sir,"  said  the  colonel.  "  We  come  with  his  pass, 
but  not  by  his  request.  We  say,  distinctly,  we  have  no 
official  or  unofficial  authority.  We  come  as  men  and 
Christians,  not  as  diplomatists,  hoping,  in  a  frank  talk 
with  Mr.  Davis,  to  discover  some  way  by  which  this  war 
may  be  stopped." 

"  Well,  gentlemen,"  said  Mr.  Benjamin,  "  I  will  repeat 
what  you  say  to  the  President,  and  if  he  follows  my  advice, 


OUR    VISIT  TO  RICHMOND.  261 

and  I  think  he  will,  he  will  meet  you.  He  will  be  at 
church  this  evening;  so  suppose  you  call  here  at  nine  to- 
night. If  anything  should  occur  in  the  meantime  to  pre- 
vent his  seeing  you,  I  will  let  you  know  through  Judge 
Ould." 

This  gentleman  became,  after  the  fall  of  the  Confederacy, 
one  of  the  most  eminent  members  of  the  London  bar,  with 
an  income,  as  is  stated,  of  a  hundred  thousand  dollars  a 
year;  but  I  saw  in  him  at  this  time  no  indication  of  ex- 
traordinary ability.  He  appeared  to  have  a  keen,  shrewd, 
ready  intellect,  but  not  the  mind  to  originate,  or  even  to 
execute,  any  great  good  or  great  wickedness. 

After  a  day  spent  in  our  room  at  the  Spotswood  Hotel 
in  company  with  Judge  Ould,  who  did  us  the  honor  to  dine 
with  us  upon  the  only  turkey,  as  I  jocosely  insisted,  then 
to  be  found  in  Richmond,  we  called  again,  at  nine  o'clock, 
at  the  State  Department. 

Mr.  Benjamin  occupied  his  previous  position  at  the  long 
table,  and  at  his  right  sat  a  spare,  thin-featured  man,  with 
iron-gray  hair  and  beard,  and  a  clear  gray  eye,  full  of  life 
and  vigor.  He  had  a  broad  forehead,  and  a  mouth  and 
chin  denoting  great  energy  and  strength  of  will.  His  face 
was  emaciated  and  much  wrinkled,  but  his  features  were 
good,  especially  his  eyes,  though  one  of  them  bore  a  scar, 
which,  I  understood,  had  lost  him  its  sight.  He  wore  a 
suit  of  grayish  brown,  evidently  of  foreign  manufacture, 
and,  as  he  rose,  I  saw  that  he  was  about  five  feet  ten  inches 
high,  with  a  slight  stoop  in  the  shoulders.  His  manner 
was  simple,  easy,  and  most  agreeable,  and  there  was  a 
peculiar  charm  in  his  voice,  as  he  extended  his  hand  to  us 
and  said :  "  I  am  glad  to  see  you,  gentlemen.  You  are 
very  welcome  to  Richmond." 

This  was  the  man  who  was  President  of  the  United 


262  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

States  under  Franklin  Pierce,  and  at  that  time  was  the 
brains  and  soul  of  the  Southern  Confederacy. 

I  answered,  "  We  thank  you,  Mr.  Davis.  It  is  not  often 
that  you  meet  men  of  our  clothes  and  our  principles  in 
Richmond." 

"Not  often,"  he  answered;  "not  so  often  as  I  could 
wish;  and  I  trust  that  your  coming  may  lead  to  a  more 
frequent  and  a  more  friendly  intercourse  between  the 
North  and  the  South.*' 

"  We  sincerely  hope  it  may,"  was  the  reply. 

"  Mr.  Benjamin  tells  me  that  you  have  asked  to  see  me 
to  —  "  he  paused,  as  if  desiring  that  we  should  finish  the 
sentence.  Colonel  Jaquess  replied,  "Yes,  sir;  we  have 
asked  this  interview  in  the  hope  that  you  may  suggest 
some  way  by  which  this  war  may  be  stopped.  Our  people 
want  peace,  your  people  do,  and  your  Congress  has  recently 
said  that  you  do.  We  have  come  to  ask  how  it  can  be 
brought  about." 

"  In  a  very  simple  way,"  said  Mr.  Davis.  "  Withdraw 
your  armies  from  our  territory,  and  peace  will  come  of 
itself.  We  do  not  seek  to  subjugate  you.  We  are  not 
waging  an  offensive  war,  except  so  far  as  it  is  offensive- 
defensive,  —  that  is,  so  far  as  we  are  forced  to  invade  you, 
to  prevent  your  invading  us.  Let  us  alone,  and  peace  will 
come  at  once." 

"  But  we  cannot  let  you  alone  so  long  as  you  repudiate 
the  Union ;  that  is  the  one  thing  the  Northern  people  will 
not  surrender." 

"I  know.  You  would  deny  to  us  what  you  exact  for 
yourselves,  —  the  right  of  self-government." 

"  No,  sir,"  I  remarked.  "  We  would  deny  you  no  natural 
right.  But  we  think  union  essential  to  peace;  and,  Mr. 
Davis,  could  two  people,  with  the  same  language,  separated 


OUR    VISIT  TO  RICHMOND.  263 

by  only  an  imaginary  line,  live  at  peace  with  each  other  ? 
Would  not  disputes  continually  arise,  and  cause  almost 
constant  war  between  them  ? " 

"  Undoubtedly,  —  with  this  generation.  You  have  sown 
such  bitterness  at  the  South ;  you  have  put  such  an  ocean 
of  blood  between  the  two  countries,  that  I  despair  of  seeing 
any  harmony  in  my  time.  Our  children  may  forget  this 
war,  but  we  cannot." 

"I  think  the  bitterness  you  speak  of,  sir,"  said  the 
colonel,  "does  not  really  exist.  We  meet  and  talk  here 
as  friends ;  our  soldiers  meet  and  fraternize  with  each 
other ;  and  I  feel  sure  that  if  the  Union  were  restored,  a 
more  friendly  feeling  would  arise  between  us  than  has  ever 
existed.  The  war  has  made  us  know  and  respect  each 
other  better  than  before.  This  is  the  view  of  very  many 
Southern  men ;  I  have  had  it  from  many  of  them,  —  your 
leading  citizens." 

"  They  are  mistaken,"  replied  Mr.  Davis.  "  They  do  not 
understand  Southern  sentiment.  How  can  we  feel  any- 
thing but  bitterness  towards  men  who  deny  us  our  rights  ? 
If  you  enter  my  house  and  drive  me  out  of  it,  am  I  not 
your  natural  enemy  ?  " 

"  You  put  the  case  too  strongly,"  said  the  colonel,  "  but 
we  cannot  fight  forever ;  the  war  must  end  at  some  time ; 
we  must  finally  agree  upon  something;  can  we  not  agree 
now,  and  stop  this  frightful  carnage  ?  We  are  both  Chris- 
tian men,  Mr.  Davis.  Can  you,  as  a  Christian  man,  leave 
untried  any  means  that  may  lead  to  peace  ?  " 

"  No,  I  cannot,"  rejoined  Mr.  Davis.  "  I  desire  peace  as 
much  as  you  do ;  I  deplore  bloodshed  as  much  as  you  do ; 
but  I  feel  that  not  one  drop  of  this  blood  is  on  my  hands  — 
I  can  look  up  to  my  God  and  say  this.  I  tried  all  in  my 
power  to  avert  this  war.  I  saw  it  coming,  and  for  twelve 


264  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

years  I  worked  night  and  day  to  prevent  it;  but  I  could 
not.  The  North  was  mad  and  blind ;  it  would  not  let  us 
govern  ourselves,  and  so  the  war  came,  and  now  it  must 
go  on  till  the  last  man  of  this  generation  falls  in  his  tracks, 
and  his  children  seize  his  musket  and  fight  our  battle,  un- 
less you  acknowledge  OUT  right  to  self-government.  We  are 
not  fighting  for  slavery.  We  are  fighting  for  independence, 
and  that,  or  extermination,  we  will  have." 

"  And  there  are,  at  least,  four  and  a  half  millions  of  us 
left;  so  you  see  you  have  a  work  before  you,"  said  Mr. 
Benjamin,  with  a  decided  sneer. 

"We  have  no  wish  to  exterminate  you,"  answered  the 
colonel.  "  I  believe  what  I  have  said,  —  that  there  is  no 
bitterness  between  the  Northern  and  Southern  people. 
The  North,  I  know,  loves  the  South.  When  peace  comes, 
it  will  pour  money  and  means  into  your  hands  to  repair 
the  waste  caused  by  the  war ;  and  it  would  now  welcome 
you  back,  and  forgive  you  all  the  loss  and  bloodshed  you 
have  caused.  But  we  must  crush  your  armies,  and  exter- 
minate your  Government.  And  is  not  that  already  nearly 
done  ?  You  are  wholly  without  money,  and  at  the  end  of 
your  resources.  Grant  has  shut  you  up  in  Richmond, 
Sherman  is  before  Atlanta.  Had  you  not  then  better 
accept  honorable  terms  while  you  can  retain  your  prestige, 
and  save  the  pride  of  the  Southern  people  ?  " 

Mr.  Davis  smiled,  and  said,  "  I  respect  your  earnestness, 
colonel,  but  you  do  not  seem  to  understand  the  situation. 
We  are  not  exactly  shut  up  in  Richmond.  If  your  papers 
tell  the  truth,  it  is  your  capital  that  is  in  danger,  not  ours. 
Some  weeks  ago,  Grant  crossed  the  Rapidan  to  whip  Lee 
and  take  Richmond.  Lee  drove  him  in  the  first  battle,  and 
then  he  executed  what  your  people  call  a  *  brilliant  flank 
movement,'  and  fought  Lee  again.  Lee  drove  him  a  sec- 


OUR    VISIT  TO  RICHMOND.  265 

ond  time,  and  then  Grant  made  another  *  flank  movement ; ' 
and  so  they  kept  on — Lee  whipping,  and  Grant  flanking— 
until  Grant  got  where  he  is  now.  And  what  is  the  net 
result  ?  Grant  has  lost  seventy-five  or  eighty  thousand  men, 
more  than  Lee  had  at  the  outset,  —  and  is  no  nearer  taking 
Richmond  than  at  first;  and  Lee,  whose  front  has  never 
been  broken,  holds  him  completely  in  check,  and  has  men 
enough  to  spare  to  invade  Maryland  and  threaten  Washing- 
ton !  Sherman,  to  be  sure,  is  before  Atlanta ;  but  suppose 
he  is,  and  suppose  he  takes  it  ?  You  know  that  the  farther 
he  goes  from  his  base  of  supplies,  the  weaker  he  grows, 
and  the  more  disastrous  defeat  will  be  to  him.  And  de- 
feat may  come.  So,  in  a  military  view,  I  should  certainly 
say  our  position  was  better  than  yours. 

"  As  to  money  :  we  are  richer  than  you  are.  You  smile ; 
but  admit  that  our  paper  is  worth  nothing,  —  it  answers  as 
a  circulating  medium,  and  we  hold  it  all  ourselves.  If 
every  dollar  of  it  were  lost,  we  should,  as  we  have  no 
foreign  debt,  be  none  the  poorer.  But  it  is  worth  some- 
thing ;  it  has  the  solid  basis  of  a  large  cotton  crop,  while 
yours  rests  on  nothing,  and  you  owe  all  the  world.  As  to 
resources :  we  do  not  lack  for  arms  or  ammunition,  and  we 
have  still  a  wide  territory  from  which  to  gather  supplies. 
So,  you  see,  we  are  not  in  extremities.  But,  if  we  were,  if 
we  were  without  money,  without  food,  without  weapons,  — 
if  our  whole  country  were  desolated,  and  our  armies  crushed 
and  disbanded,  —  could  we,  without  giving  up  our  man- 
hood, give  up  our  right  to  govern  ourselves?  Would  you 
not  rather  die,  and  feel  yourself  a  man,  than  live,  and  be 
subject  to  a  foreign  power  ?  " 

"  From  your  standpoint  there  is  force  in  what  you  say," 
replied  the  colonel.  "  But  we  did  not  come  to  argue  with 
you,  Mr.  Davis.  We  came  hoping  to  find  some  honorable 


266  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

way  to  peace,  and  I  am  grieved  to  hear  you  say  what  you 
do.  When  I  have  seen  your  young  men  dying  on  the 
battle-field,  and  your  old  men,  women,  and  children  starv- 
ing in  their  homes,  I  have  felt  I  could  risk  my  life  to 
save  them.  For  that  reason  I  am  here ;  and  I  am  grieved 
—  grieved  —  that  there  is  no  hope." 

"  I  know  your  motives,  Colonel  Jaquess,"  said  Mr.  Davis, 
"  and  I  honor  you  for  them ;  but  what  can  I  do  more  than 
I  am  doing  ?  I  would  give  my  poor  life  gladly,  if  it  would 
bring  peace  and  good- will  to  the  two  countries;  but  it 
would  not.  It  is  with  your  own  people  you  should  labor. 
It  is  they  who  desolate  our  homes,  burn  our  wheat  fields, 
break  the  wheels  of  wagons  carrying  away  our  women  and 
children,  and  destroy  supplies  meant  for  our  sick  and 
wounded.  At  your  door  lies  all  the  misery  and  the  crime 
of  this  war,  and  it  is  a  fearful,  fearful  account." 

"  Not  all  of  it,  Mr.  Davis ;  I  admit  a  fearful  account,  but 
it  is  not  all  at  our  door.  The  passions  of  both  sides  are 
aroused.  Unarmed  men  are  hanged,  prisoners  are  shot 
down  in  cold  blood  by  yourselves.  Elements  of  barbarism 
are  entering  the  war  from  both  sides  that  should  make  us, 
— you  and  me,  —  as  Christian  men,  shudder  to  think  of.  In 
God's  name,  let  us  stop  it.  Let  us  do  something,  concede 
something,  to  bring  about  peace.  You  cannot  expect,  with 
only  four  and  a  half  millions,  as  Mr.  Benjamin  says  you 
have,  to  hold  out  forever  against  twenty  millions." 

Again  Mr.  Davis  smiled,  saying,  "  Do  you  suppose  there 
are  twenty  millions  at  the  North  determined  to  crush  us  ? 
I  do  not  so  read  the  returns  of  your  recent  elections. 
To  my  mind  they  show  that  fully  one-half  of  your  people 
think  we  are  right,  and  would  fight  for  us  if  they  had  the 
opportunity." 

"  You  are  mistaken,  Mr.  Davis.     A  small  number  of  our 


OUR    VISIT  TO  RICHMOND.  267 

people,  a  very  small  number,  are  your  friends,  —  Secession- 
ists. The  rest  differ  about  measures  and  candidates,  but 
are  united  in  the  determination  to  sustain  the  Union. 
Whoever  is  elected  in  November,  he  must  be  committed  to 
a  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war." 

Mr.  Davis  still  looking  incredulous,  I  remarked,  "  It  is 
so,  sir;  whoever  tells  you  otherwise  deceives  you.  Not 
one  in  fifty  of  our  twenty  millions  would  consent  to  any 
peace  that  involved  disunion.  I  think  I  know  Northern 
sentiment,  and  I  assure  you  that  it  is  so. 

"  The  majority  are  in  favor  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  and  nearly  all 
of  those  opposed  to  him  are  so  because  they  think  he  does 
not  fight  you  with  enough  vigor.  The  radical  Republicans, 
who  go  for  slave-suffrage  and  thorough  confiscation,  are 
those  who  will  defeat  him,  if  he  is  defeated.  But  if  he  is 
defeated  before  the  people,  the  House  will  elect  a  worse 
man,  —  worse  I  mean  for  you.  It  is  more  radical  than  he 
is,  —  you  can  see  that  from  Mr.  Ashley's  reconstruction  bill, 
—  and  the  people  are  more  radical  than  the  House.  Mr. 
Lincoln,  I  know,  is  about  to  call  out  five  hundred  thousand 
more  men,  and  I  don't  see  how  you  can  resist  much  longer ; 
Tjut  if  you  do,  you  will  only  deepen  the  radical  feeling  of 
the  Northern  people.  They  would  now  give  you  fair, 
honorable,  generous  terms ;  but  let  them  suffer  much  more, 
let  there  be  a  dead  man  in  every  house,  as  there  is  now  one 
in  every  village,  and  they  will  give  you  no  terms,  —  they 
will  insist  on  Hanging  every  rebel  south  of  —  Pardon  my 
terms,  I  mean  no  offence." 

"  You  give  no  offence,"  replied  Mr.  Davis,  smiling 
pleasantly,  "I  wouldn't  have  you  pick  your  words.  This 
is  a  frank,  free  talk,  and  I  like  you  the  better  for  saying 
what  you  think.  Go  on." 

"  I  was  merely  going  to  add  that,  let  the  Northern  people 


268  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

once  really  feel  the  war,  —  they  do  not  feel  it  yet,  —  and 
they  will  insist  on  hanging  every  one  of  your  leaders." 

"  Well,"  said  Mr.  Davis,  "  admitting  all  you  say,  I  can't 
see  how  it  effects  our  position.  There  are  some  things 
worse  than  hanging  and  extermination.  We  reckon  giving 
up  the  right  of  self-government  one  of  those  things." 

"  By  self-government  you  mean  disunion,  —  Southern 
independence  ?  " 

"  Yes,"  he  answered; 

"  And  slavery,  you  say,  is  no  longer  an  element  in  the 
contest?" 

"  No,  it  is  not.  It  never  was  an  essential  element.  It 
was  only  a  means  of  bringing  other  conflicting  elements  to 
an  earlier  culmination.  It  fired  the  musket  which  was 
already  capped  and  loaded.  There  are  essential  differences 
between  the  North  and  the  South,  that  will,  however  this 
war  may  end,  make  them  two  nations." 

"  You  ask  me  to  say  what  I  think.  Will  you  allow  me 
to  say  that  I  know  the  South  pretty  well,  and  never 
observed  those  differences?" 

"  Then,"  he  said,  "  you  have  not  used  your  eyes.  My 
eyes  are  poorer  than  yours,  but  I  have  seen  them  for 
years." 

The  laugh  was  upon  me,  and  Mr.  Benjamin  enjoyed  it. 

"  Well,  sir,  be  that  as  it  may,  if  I  understand  you,  the 
dispute  with  your  Government  is  now  narrowed  down  to 
this,  union  or  disunion." 

"  Yes,"  said  Mr.  Davis,  "  or,  to  put  it  in  other  words, 
independence  or  subjugation." 

"  Then  the  two  governments  are  irreconcilably  apart. 
They  have  no  alternative  but  to  fight  it  out.  But  it  is  not 
so  with  the  people.  They  are  tired  of  fighting,  and  want 
peace,  and,  as  they  bear  all  the  burden  and  suffering  of  the 


OUR    VISIT  TO  RICHMOND.  269 

war,  is  it  not  right  that  they  should  have  peace,  and  have 
it  on  such  terms  as  a  majority  of  them  shall  elect  ?  This 
you  certainly  can't  object  to,  if  you  are  sincere  in  saying 
that  a  majority  in  the  North  think  you  are  right.  You 
have  the  entire  South  with  you,  and  if  the  South  were 
reinforced  by  even  a  large  proportion  of  the  North,  you 
would  have  a  large  majority  for  your  views.  The  Constitu- 
tion expressly  says  that  it  was  made  by  *  the  people  of  the 
United  States.'  If  they  had  power  to*  make  it,  they  have 
power  to  unmake  it,  or  so  to  modify  it  as  to  suit  your  views. 
Thus,  if  the  majority  think  as  you  do,  you  will  have  accom- 
plished your  end,  without  the  firing  of  another  gun  or  the 
death  of  another  combatant." 

"  I  don't  understand  you  ;  be  a  little  more  explicit." 
"  Well,  suppose  that  the  two  governments  should  agree  to 
something  like  this :  To  go  to  the  people  of  the  whole 
country  with  two  propositions,  say,  peace  with  disunion 
and  Southern  independence  as  your  proposition ;  and  peace 
with  union,  emancipation  with  compensation  for  the  slaves, 
no  confiscation,  and  universal  amnesty,  as  ours.  Let  the 
citizens  of  all  the  United  States  (as  they  existed  before 
the  war)  vote  '  Yes '  or  '  No '  on  these  two  propositions, 
at  a  special  election  within  sixty  days.  If  a  majority  vote 
*  Disunion,'  our  Government  to  be  bound  by  it,  and  to  let 
you  go  in  peace.  If  a  majority  vote  '  Union,'  yours  to  be 
bound  by  it,  and  to  stay  in  peace.  The  two  governments 
can  contract  in  this  way,  and  the  people,  though  constitu- 
tionally unable  to  decide  on  peace  or  war,  can  elect  which 
of  any  two  propositions  shall  govern  their  rulers.  Let  Lee 
and  Grant,  meanwhile,  agree  to  an  armistice.  This  would 
sheathe  the  sword,  and  if  once  sheathed  it  would  never 
again  be  drawn  by  this  generation." 

"  The  plan  is  altogether  impracticable,"  said  Mr.  Davis. 


270  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTION S. 

"  If  the  South  were  only  one  State  it  might  work,  but  as  it 
is,  if  one  Southern  State  objected  to  emancipation  it  would 
nullify  the  whole  thing,  for  you  are  aware  the  people  of 
Virginia  cannot  vote  slavery  out  of  South  Carolina,  or  the 
people  of  South  Carolina  vote  it  out  of  Virginia." 

"  But  three-fourths  of  the  States  can  amend  the  Constitu- 
tion. Let  it  be  done  in  that  way,  —  in  any  way,  so  that  it 
be  done  by  the  people.  I  am  not,  like  you,  a  statesman, 
and  I  do  not  know  just  how  such  a  plan  could  be  carried 
out;  but  you  get  the  idea,  —  that  the  people  shall  decide 
the  question." 

Said  Mr.  Davis,  "  That  the  majority  shall  decide  it,  you 
mean.  We  seceded  to  rid  ourselves  of  the  rule  of  the 
majority,  and  this  would  subject  us  to  it  again." 

"  But  the  majority  must  rule  finally,  either  with  bullets 
or  ballots." 

"  I  am  not  so  sure  of  that,"  said  Mr.  Davis.  "  Neither 
current  events  nor  history  show  that  the  majority  rules, 
or  ever  did  rule.  The  contrary,  I  think,  is  true.  Why, 
sir,  the  man  who  should  go  before  the  Southern  people 
with  such  a  proposition  —  with  any  proposition  which 
implied  that  the  North  was  to  have  a  voice  in  determining 
the  domestic  relations  of  the  South  —  could  not  live  a  day ! 
He  would  be  hanged  to  the  first  tree,  without  judge  or 
jury." 

"  Allow  me  to  doubt  that.  I  think  it  more  likely  he 
would  be  hanged  if  he  let  the  Southern  people  know  that 
the  majority  could  not  rule,"  I  replied,  smiling. 

"  I  have  no  fear  of  that,"  rejoined  Mr.  Davis,  also  smil- 
ing most  good-humoredly.  "  I  give  you  leave  to  proclaim 
my  sentiments  from  every  housetop  in  the  South." 

"  But,  seriously,  sir,"  I  said,  "  you  let  the  majority  rule 
in  a  single  State ;  why  not  let  it  rule  in  the  whole  country  ?  " 


OUR    VISIT   TO  RICHMOND.  271 

"  Because  the  States  are  independent  and  sovereign. 
The  country  is  not.  It  is  only  a  confederation  of  States, 
or  rather  it  was ;  it  is  now  two  confederations." 

"  Oh,  yes ! "  I  rejoined,  "  I  have  heard  of  your  doctrine 
of  *  State  Rights/  which,  translated  into  plain  English,  is 
that  a  part  is  greater  than  the  whole,  and  we  Americans 
are  not  a  people,  but  merely  a  political  partnership." 

"  That  is  all,"  he  answered,  smiling. 

"Your  very  name,  sir,  4  United  States,'  implies  that," 
said  Mr.  Benjamin.  "  But  tell  me,  are  the  terms  you  have 
named  —  compensated  emancipation,  no  confiscation,  and 
universal  amnesty  —  the  terms  which  Mr.  Lincoln  author- 
ized you  to  offer  us  ?  " 

"  No,  sir,  Mr.  Lincoln  did  not  authorize  me  to  offer  you 
any  terms.  But  I  think  that  both  he,  the  Congress,  and 
the  Northern  people,  for  the  sake  of  peace,  would  assent  to 
some  such  conditions." 

"  They  are  very  generous,"  replied  Mr.  Davis,  showing, 
for  the  first  time  during  the  interview,  some  angry  feeling. 
"But  amnesty,  sir,  applies  to  criminals.  We  have  com- 
mitted no  crime.  Confiscation  is  of  no  account  unless  you 
can  enforce  it ;  and  emancipation !  you  have  already 
emancipated  nearly  two  millions  of  our  slaves,  and  if  you 
will  take  care  of  them  you  may  emancipate  the  rest.  I 
had  a  few  when  the  war  began.  I  was  of  some  use  to 
them ;  they  never  were  of  any  to  me.  Against  their  will 
you  emancipated  them;  and  you  may  emancipate  every 
negro  in  the  Confederacy ;  but  we  will  be  free  !  We  will 
govern  ourselves !  We  will  do  it,  if  we  have  to  see  every 
Southern  plantation  sacked,  and  every  Southern  city  in 
flames." 

"  I  see,  Mr.  Davis,"  I  said, "  that  it  is  useless  to  continue 
this  conversation;  and  you  will  pardon  us  if  we  have 


272  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

seemed  to  press  our  views  with  too  much  pertinacity.  We 
love  the  old  flag,  and  that  must  be  our  apology  for  intrud- 
ing upon  you  at  all." 

"  You  have  not  intruded  upon  me,"  he  replied,  resuming 
his  usual  manner.  "  I  am  glad  to  have  met  you  both.  I 
once  loved  the  old  flag  as  well  as  you  do.  I  would  have 
died  for  it;  but  now  it  is  to  me  only  the  emblem  of 
oppression." 

"  I  hope  the  day  may  never  come,  Mr.  Davis,  when  I  say 
that,"  said  the  colonel. 

A  half  hour's  conversation  on  other  topics  —  not  of  pub- 
lic interest  —  ensued,  and  then  we  rose  to  go.  As  we  did 
so  the  Confederate  President  gave  me  his  hand,  and,  bid- 
ding me  a  kindly  "  good-by,"  expressed  the  hope  of  seeing 
me  again  in  Richmond  in  happier  times,  —  when  peace 
should  have  returned;  but  with  the  colonel  his  parting 
was  particularly  cordial.  Taking  his  hand  in  both  of  his, 
he  said  to  him,  "  Colonel,  I  respect  your  character  and 
your  motives,  and  I  wish  you  well,  —  I  wish  you  every 
good  I  can  wish  you  consistently  with  the  interests  of  the 
Confederacy." 

The  quiet,  straightforward  bearing  of  our  "  fighting  par- 
son" had  evidently  impressed  Mr.  Davis  very  favorably. 

As  we  were  leaving  the  room,  he  added,  "  Say  to  Mr.  Lin- 
coln from  me,  that  I  shall  at  any  time  be  pleased  to  receive 
proposals  for  peace  on  the  basis  of  our  independence.  It 
will  be  useless  to  approach  me  with  any  other." 

When  we  went  out,  Mr.  Benjamin  called  to  Judge  Ould, 
who  had  been  waiting  in  the  hall  during  the  entire  interview 
of  nearly  three  hours,  and  we  passed  out  of  the  front  en- 
trance together.  As  I  put  my  arm  within  that  of  the  judge, 
he  said  to  me,  "  Well,  what  is  the  result  ?" 

"  Nothing  but  war,  war  to  the  knife." 


OUR    VISIT  TO  EICRMOND.  273 

"  Ephraim  is  joined  to  his  idols ;  let  him  alone,"  added 
the  colonel. 

We  now  had  "  drawn  Mr.  Davis' s  fire."  He  certainly 
had  been  explicit  enough  to  convince  the  dullest  intellect 
that  there  could  be  no  peace  with  the  Southern  Government 
without  the  'acknowledgment  of  Southern  independence. 
Colonel  Jaquess  still  clung  to  the  idea  of  some  honorable 
peace  on  some  terms  short  of  disunion ;  but  I  did  not,  and 
was  merely  anxious  to  get  out  of  the  Confederacy  at  the 
earliest  possible  moment,  in  order  to  spread  far  and  wide 
the  Southern  ultimatum,  that  every  Northern  voter  might 
go  to  the  polls  at  the  November  election  with  full  knowledge 
that,  if  he  did  not  cast  his  ballot  for  Abraham  Lincoln,  he 
would  be  voting  for  the  dismemberment  and  ruin  of  his 
country.  With  these  thoughts  in  my  mind,  I  joined  Judge 
Ould  in  the  hall  of  the  old  United  States  Custom-house  at 
Richmond,  on  that  July  night  in  1864. 

It  was  not  far  from  midnight  when,  arm  in  arm  with 
Judge  Ould,  we  took  our  way  through  the  silent,  deserted 
streets,  to  our  elevated  quarters  in  the  Spotswood  Hotel.  As 
we  climbed  the  long  stairs  which  led  to  our  room  in  the 
fourth  story,  I  said  to  Judge  Ould,  "  We  can  accomplish 
nothing  more  by  remaining  here.  Suppose  you  allow  us  to 
shake  the  sacred  soil  from  our  feet  to-morrow." 

"Yery  well,"  he  answered.  "At  what  hour  will  you 
start  ?  " 

"  The  earlier,  the  better.  As  near  daybreak  as  may  be, 
—  to  avoid  the  sun." 

"  We  can't  be  ready  before  ten  o'clock,"  he  said.  "  The 
mules  are  quartered  six  miles  out  of  town." 

This  sounded  strange,  for  Jack,  our  ebony  Jehu,  had 
said  to  me  the  night  before :  "  Dem  is  mighty  foine  mules, 
massa.  I  tends  ter  dem  mules  myself.  We  keeps  'em  right 


274  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

round  de  corner."  Taken  together,  the  statements  of  the- 
two  Confederate  officials  had  a  bad  look;  but  Mr.  Davis 
had  just  given  me  a  message  to  his  niece,  —  a  lady  from 
whom  I  had  brought  a  letter  of  introduction  to  him,  —  and 
Mr.  Benjamin  had  just  entrusted  Colonel  Jaquess  with  a 
letter  to  a  Northern  friend  to  be  mailed  within  the  limits 
of  the  "  United  States,"  therefore  the  discrepancy  did  not 
alarm  me,  for  these  facts  seemed  to  assure  us  a  safe  deliver- 
ance from  Dixie.  Merely  saying,  "  Very  well,  —  then  ten 
o'clock  let  it  be,"  we  bade  the  judge  good  night  at  the 
landing  and  entered  our  apartment. 

We  found  the  guard,  Mr.  Javins,  stretched  at  full  length 
on  his  bed,  and  snoring  like  the  Seven  Sleepers.  Day  and 
night,  from  the  first  moment  of  our  entrance  into  the  Con- 
federate dominions,  that  worthy,  with  a  revolver  hi  his 
sleeve,  our  door-key  hi  his  pocket,  and  a  Yankee  in  each 
one  of  his  eyes,  had  implicitly  obeyed  his  instructions,  — 
"  Keep  a  constant  watch  upon  them,"  —  but  overtasked 
nature  had  at  last  got  the  better  of  him,  and  he  was  sleep- 
ing on  his  post.  Not  caring  to  disturb  him,  we  bolted  the 
door,  slid  the  key  under  his  pillow,  and  followed  him  to 
the  land  of  dreams. 

When  I  awoke  in  the  morning,  breakfast  was  already 
laid  on  the  centre-table,  and  an  army  of  newsboys  were 
shouting  under  our  windows,  "  'Ere's  the  J&nquirer  and  the 
Dispatch.  Great  news  from  the  front.  Gen'ral  Grant 
mortally  killed,  —  shot  with  a  cannon." 

We  opened  the  papers,  and  there,  sure  enough,  General 
Grant  was  killed,  —  and  laid  out  in  dingy  sheets,  with  a 
big  gun  firing  great  volleys  over  him.  Breakfast  over,  I 
resumed  the  papers,  and  was  deep  in  their  flaming  editorials, 
when  ten  o'clock  struck  from  a  neighboring  steeple,  and  I 
laid  them  down  and  listened  for  the  tread  of  the  judge  on 


OUR   VISIT  TO  RICHMOND.  275 

the  stairway.  I  had  heard  it  before,  but  had  not  listened 
for  it  till  that  moment.  General  Butler  had  told  us  we 
would  find  him  a  courteous  gentleman  and  a  most  agree- 
able companion,  and  said  to  us,  as  we  were  coming  away, 
"  You  are  going  in  without  a  safeguard,  and  so,  technically, 
you  are  spies,  therefore  you  must  use  the  utmost  prudence, 
for  your  most  innocent  remarks  may  be  misrepresented 
and  get  you  into  trouble.  My  advice  to  you  is  to  hold  no 
communication  with  any  one  except  Davis,  Benjamin,  and 
Judge  Ould,  and  to  be  sure  to  win  the  confidence  and  good- 
will of  the  judge.  You  can  do  this  by  being  perfectly  frank 
and  outspoken  with  him." 

We  had  acted  on  this  suggestion,  and  he  had  spent  nearly 
the  whole  of  Sunday  with  us  in  what  seemed  to  be  to  him 
most  enjoyable  intercourse.  But  now  he  came  not,  though 
we  waited  for  him  as  those  "  that  watch  for  the  morning." 
One  hour,  two  hours,  three  hours  went  slowly  away,  and 
still  he  came  not.  Why  was  he  thus  late,  that  prompt  man 
who  was  always  "  on  time,"  who  had  put  us  through  the 
streets  of  Richmond  the  night  before  on  a  trot,  lest  we 
should  be  a  second  late  at  our  appointment  with  Jeff  Davis  ? 
Did  he  mean  to  bake  us  brown  with  the  mid-day  sun  ?  Or 
had  the  mules  overslept  themselves,  or  their  quarters  been 
moved  still  further  out  of  town  ?  I  did  not  know,  and  it  was 
useless  to  speculate,  so  I  lighted  a  cigar,  and  took  up 
again  the  morning  paper.  But  the  stinging  editorials  had 
lost  their  sting,  and  the  pointed  paragraphs,  though  sharper 
than  a  meat-axe,  fell  on  me  as  harmless  as  if  I  had  been 
encased  in  a  coat  of  mail.  For  slowly  it  began  to  dawn 
upon  me  that  the  Confederate  officials  had  probably  made 
up  their  minds  to  detain  us  in  Richmond,  —  not,  perhaps, 
to  hold  us  as  spies,  but  to  keep  us  under  lock  and  key  until 
our  presidential  election  had  been  decided;  for  the  astute 


276  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

Mr.  Benjamin  had  concluded  that  Mr.  Davis  had  expressed 
himself  altogether  too  freely  the  night  before,  giving  me  — 
an  editorial  writer  on  the  New  York  Tribune  —  just  the 
ammunition  that  was  needed  to  kill  the  Peace  party  and 
reelect  Mr.  Lincoln,  which  meant  no  compromise  with  the 
South  until  the  Confederacy  was  utterly  destroyed. 

Ten  days  in  Castle  Thunder  in  my  then  state  of  health 
would  have  ended  my  mortal  career ;  and  I  had  looked  at 
this  alternative  before  setting  out.  But  then  I  had  seen  it 
afar  off ;  now  I  stood  face  to  face  with  it ;  and  I  thought  of 
home,  —  of  the  young  responsibilities  who  were  accustomed 
to  look  for  me  there, —  and  I  said  to  Javins, "  Will  you  oblige 
me  by  stepping  into  the  hall  ?  My  friend  and  I  would  have 
a  few  words  together." 

As  he  passed  out,  I  said  to  the  colonel,  "  Ould  is  more 
than  three  hours  late  !  What  does  it  mean  ?  " 

All  this  while  he  had  sat,  his  spectacles  on  his  nose,  and 
his  chair  canted  against  the  window-sill,  absorbed  in  the 
newspapers.  Occasionally  he  would  look  up  to  comment 
on  something  he  was  reading,  but  not  a  movement  of  Ms 
face,  nor  a  glance  of  his  eye  had  betrayed  that  he  was  con- 
scious of  Judge  Quid's  delay,  or  of  my  extreme  restlessness. 
As  I  said  this  he  took  off  his  spectacles,  and,  quietly  rubbing 
the  glasses  with  his  handkerchief,  he  replied:  "It  looks 
badly,  but  —  I  ask  no  odds  of  them.  We  have  tried  to 
serve  the  country.  That  is  enough.  Let  them  hang  us  if 
they  like.  But  if  they  do,  —  if  they  ill-treat  two  men  who 
have  come  to  them  with  the  olive-branch  of  peace,  —  their 
rotten  Confederacy  won't  hold  together  for  a  fortnight :  the 
civilized  world  will  pray  for  its  destruction." 

I  opened  the  door,  and  called  Javins  into  the  room,  and 
then  kept  on  smoking  for  another  two  hours.  Then,  just 
as  three  o'clock  sounded  from  a  near-by  church,  Judge 


OUE   VISIT  TO  RICHMOND.  277 

Ould   entered   the   room,  saying,   with   decided   curtness, 
"  Good  evening." 

When  we  had  returned  his  salutation  he  said,  "Well, 
gentleman,  if  you  are  ready,  we'll  walk  around  to  the 
Libby." 

The  curtness  of  his  tone  should  have  made  me  perceive 
that  he  was  playing  upon  us  a  practical  joke;  but  not 
stopping  to  reflect,  I  jumped  to  the  conclusion  that  my 
worst  apprehensions  were  realized.  And  this,  which 
seemed  then  a  certainty,  was  a  positive  relief  from  the 
suspense  I  had  undergone  during  those  harrowing  five 
hours  of  waiting.  Saying,  "We  are  ready,"  we  took  up 
our  portmanteaus,  and  followed  him  down  the  stairway. 
At  the  outer  door  we  found  Jack,  our  ebony  driver  of  the 
previous  day,  and  the  ambulance  drawn  up  to  the  sidewalk. 
Their  presence  was  assurance  of  our  speedy  exit  from 
Dixie,  and  I  gave  expression  to  my  feelings  somewhat  as 
follows :  "  How  are  you,  Jack  ?  You're  the  best-looking 
darkey  I  ever  saw." 

"I's  bery  well,  massa,  bery  well.  Hope  you's  well," 
replied  Jack,  grinning  until  he  made  himself  uglier  than 
nature  had  intended.  "  I's  glad  you  tinks  I's  good-looking." 

"  Good-looking !  You're  better-looking  than  any  white 
man  I  ever  met." 

"  You've  odd  notions  of  beauty,"  said  Judge  Ould,  smil- 
ing. "  That  accounts  for  your  being  an  Abolitionist." 

"  No,  it  don't ; "  and  I  added,  in  a  tone  too  low  for  Jack 
to  hear,  "  It  only  implies  that,  until  I  saw  that  darkey,  I 
doubted  our  getting  out  of  Dixie.  Tell  me,  why  are  you  so 
long  behind  time  ?  " 

"  I'll  tell  you,"  he  said,  "  when  the  war  is  over.  Now 
I'll  take  you  through  the  Libby  and  the  hospitals,  if  you'd 
like  to  go." 


278  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

We  expressed  the  desire,  and,  ordering  Jack  to  follow 
with  the  ambulance,  the  judge  led  the  way  down  the 
principal  thoroughfare.  A  few  shops  were  open,  a  few 
negro  women  were  passing  hi  and  out  among  them,  and  a 
few  wounded  soldiers  were  limping  along  the  sidewalks ;  but 
scarcely  an  able-bodied  man  was  anywhere  visible.  A  poor 
soldier,  who  had  lost  both  legs  and  a  hand,  was  seated  at  a 
street  corner,  asking  alms  of  the  colored  women  as  they 
passed!  Pointing  to  him,  the  judge  said,  "There  is  one 
of  our  arguments  against  reunion.  If  you'll  walk  with  me 
two  squares  I'll  show  you  a  thousand." 

"  All  asking  alms  of  colored  women !  Is  it  not  an  argu- 
ment for  reunion  ?  " 

He  made  no  reply  ;  but  after  awhile,  scanning  our  faces 
as  if  he  would  detect  our  hidden  thoughts,  he  said,  in  an 
abrupt,  pointed  way,  "  Grant  was  to  have  attacked  us 
yesterday.  Why  didn't  he  do  it  ?  " 

"  How  should  we  know  ?  "  I  answered,  with  equal  abrupt- 
ness. 

He  said,  "  You  came  from  Foster's  only  the  day  before. 
That's  where  the  attack  was  to  have  been  made." 

"  Why  was  it  not  made  ?  " 

"  I  don't  know.  Some  think  it  was  because  you  came  in, 
and  were  expected  out  that  way." 

"  Oh !  that  accounts  for  your  being  five  hours  behind  time  ! 
You  think  we  are  spies,  sent  in  to  survey,  and  report  on  the 
Newmarket  route ! " 

"  No,  I  do  not,"  he  answered,  earnestly.  "  I  think  you 
are  honest  men,  and  Tve  said  so." 

"  That  shows  you  are  worthy  of  the  national  reputation 
you  won  as  district  attorney  of  the  city  of  Washington. 
We  are  honest  men ;  nevertheless,  we  sincerely  thank  you." 

By  this  time  we  had  reached  a  dingy  brick  building,  from 


OUR    VISIT  TO  RICHMOND.  279 

one  corner  of  which  protruded  a  small  sign,  bearing,  in 
black  letters  on  a  white  ground,  the  words 

LIBBY  AND  SON, 
SHIP-CHANDLERS  AND  GROCERS. 

It  was  three  stories  high,  and  about  a  hundred  and  thirty 
feet  in  width  by  a  hundred  and  ten  in  depth.  In  front,  the 
first  story  was  on  a  level  with  the  street,  allowing  space  for 
a  tier  of  dungeons  under  the  sidewalk ;  and  in  the  rear,  the 
land  sloped  away  till  the  basement  floor  rose  above  ground. 
Its  unpainted  walls  were  scorched  to  a  rusty  brown,  and  its 
sunken  doors  and  low  windows,  filled  here  and  there  with 
a  dusky  pane,  were  cobwebbed  and  weather-stained,  giving 
the  whole  building  a  most  uninviting  and  desolate  appear- 
ance. A  flaxen-haired  boy  in  ragged  "  butternuts "  and  a 
Union  cap,  and  an  old  man  in  gray  regimentals,  with  a 
bent  body  and  a  limping  gait,  were  pacing  to  and  fro 
t>efore  it,  with  muskets  on  their  shoulders;  but  no  other 
soldiers  were  in  sight.  Turning  to  the  judge,  I  said :  "  If 
Grant  or  Ben  Butler  knew  that  Richmond  was  defended 
by  only  such  men,  how  long  would  it  be  before  they  took 
it?" 

"  Several  years,"  he  answered.  "  When  such  men  give 
out  our  women  will  fall  in.  Let  them  try  it." 

Opening  a  door  at  the  right,  he  led  us  into  a  large,  high- 
studded  apartment,  with  a  bare  floor  and  greasy  brown 
walls,  hung  around  with  battle-scenes  and  cheap  litho- 
graphs of  the  Confederate  leaders.  Several  officers  in 
Secession  gray  were  lounging  about  this  room,  and  one  of 
them,  a  short,  slightly  built,  young-looking  man,  rose  as  we 
entered,  and  in  a  half-pompous,  half-obsequious  way  said 
to  Judge  .Ould,  "  Ah,  Colonel  Ould,  I  am  very  glad  to  see 
you." 


280  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

The  judge  returned  the  greeting  with  a  stateliness  that 
was  in  striking  contrast  with  his  usual  frank  and  cordial 
manner,  and  then  introduced  the  officer  to  us  as  "  Major 
Turner,  keeper  of  the  Libby."  I  had  heard  of  him,  and  it 
was  with  some  reluctance  that  I  took  his  proffered  hand. 
However,  I  did  take  it,  and  at  the  same  time  inquired,. 
"  Are  you  related  to  H.  M.  Turner,  of  Fayetteville,  N.  C.  ?  " 

"  No,  sir,"  he  answered,  "  I'm  of  the  old  Virginia  family  " 
(I  never  met  a  negro-whipper  or  negro-trader  who  did  not 
profess  to  belong  to  that  family).  "Are  you  a  North 
Carolinian  ?  "  he  asked. 

"  No,  sir,  —  "  Before  I  could  add  another  word  Judge 
Ould  said :  "  No,  major ;  these  gentlemen  hail  from  Georgia. 
They  are  strangers  here,  and  I'd  thank  you  to  show  them 
over  the  prison." 

"  Certainly,  colonel,  most  certainly ;  I'll  do  it  with  great 
pleasure." 

Then  the  little  man  bustled  about,  put  on  his  cap,  gave 
a  few  orders  to  his  subordinates,  and  led  us  through  another 
outside  door,  into  the  prison.  He  was  a  few  rods  in 
advance  with  Colonel  Jaquess,  when  Judge  Ould  said  to  me  : 
"Your  prisoners  have  belied  Turner.  You  see  that  he'a 
not  the  hyena  they  have  represented." 

"  You've  given  evidence  of  your  remarkable  penetration 
in  detecting  that  we  are  honest  men,  but  allow  me  to  say 
that  you  are  at  fault  as  to  Turner.  These  cringing,  mild- 
mannered  men  are  the  worst  of  tyrants  when  they  have  the 
power." 

"  But  you  can't  think  him  a  tyrant ! " 

"I  do;  I  can  believe  every  word  that  has  been  said 
against  him.  He's  a  coward  and  a  bully,  or  I  can't  read 
English.  It  is  written  all  over  his  face." 

The  judge  laughed  boisterously,  and  called  out  to  Tur- 


OUR   VISIT  TO  RICHMOND.  281 

ner :  "  I  say,  major,  our  friend  here  is  painting  your 
portrait." 

"I  hope  he  is  making  a  handsome  man  of  me,"  said 
Turner,  in  a  sycophantic  way. 

"  No,  he  isn't,"  answered  the  judge,  still  laughing ;  "  he 
is  drawing  you  to  the  life,  as  if  he  had  known  you  for  half 
a  century." 

We  had  entered  a  room  about  forty  feet  wide,  and  a 
hundred  feet  deep,  with  bare  brick  walls,  a  rough  plank 
floor,  and  narrow,  dingy  windows,  to  whose  sashes  only  a 
few  broken  panes  were  clinging.  A  row  of  tin  wash-basins^ 
and  a  wooden  trough  which  served  as  a  bathing  vessel, 
were  at  one  end  of  it,  and  half  a  dozen  cheap  stools  and 
hard-bottomed  chairs  were  littered  about  the  floor,  but  it 
had  no  other  furniture.  And  this  room,  with  eight  others 
of  similar  appointments,  and  three  basements  floored 
with  earth  and  filled  with  debris,  composed  the  famoua 
Libby  Prison,  in  which,  for  months  together,  thousands  of 
the  best  and  bravest  men  that  ever  went  to  battle  were 
allowed  to  rot  and  to  starve. 

At  the  date  of  our  visit,  not  more  than  a  hundred  pris- 
oners were  in  the  Libby,  its  contents  having  recently  been 
emptied  into  a  worse  sink  in  Georgia;  but  almost  con- 
stantly during  the  war,  twelve,  and  sometimes  thirteen 
hundred  Northern  soldiers  were  hived  within  those  desolate 
rooms  and  filthy  cellars,  with  a  space  of  only  ten  feet  by 
two  allotted  to  each  for  all  the  purposes  of  existence ! 

Overrun  with  vermin,  perishing  with  cold,  breathing  a 
stifled,  tainted  atmosphere,  no  space  allowed  them  for  rest 
by  day,  and  lying  down  at  night  "  wormed  and  dovetailed 
together  like  fish  in  a  basket,"  their  daily  rations  only  two 
ounces  of  stale  beef  and  a  small  lump  of  hard  corn-bread, 
and  their  lives  the  forfeit  if  they  caught  but  one  streak  of 


282  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

God's  blue  sky  through  those  filthy  windows !  —  they  en- 
dured there  all  the  horrors  of  the  "  middle- passage,"  which 
was  the  disgrace  of  the  slave-trade.  My  soul  sickened  as  I 
looked  on  the  scene  of  their  wretchedness.  If  the  liberty 
those  men  achieved  for  us  were  not  worth  even  so  fearful  a 
price,  if  it  were  not  cheaply  purchased  with  the  blood  and 
agony  of  those  many  brave  and  true  souls,  who  went  into 
that  foul  den,  only  to  die,  or  to  come  out  of  it  the  shadows 
of  men,  —  living  ghosts,  condemned  to  a  wretched  life,  and 
to  fade  away  before  the  daybreak  of  the  universal  freedom 
that  has  come,  who  would  not  have  cried  out  for  peace,  — 
for  peace  on  almost  any  terms  ? 

While  these  thoughts  were  in  my  mind,  the  cringing, 
foul-mouthed,  brutal,  contemptible  ruffian  who  had  been 
the  zealous  agent  for  the  infliction  of  all  this  misery,  stood 
within  two  paces  of  me !  I  could  have  stretched  out  my 
arm,  and,  with  half  an  effort,  have  crushed  him,  and  — 
I  did  not  do  it! 

"  This  is  where  that  Yankee  devil,  Streight,  who  raised 
hell  so  among  you  down  in  Georgia,  got  out,"  said  Turner, 
pausing  before  a  jut  in  the  wall  of  the  room.  "  A  flue  was 
here,  you  see,  but  we've  bricked  it  up.  They  took  up  the 
hearth,  let  themselves  down  into  the  basement,  and  then 
dug  through  the  wall,  and  sixty  feet  underground,  into  the 
yard  of  a  deserted  building  over  the  way.  If  you'd  like  to 
see  the  place,  step  down  with  me  to  the  basement." 

"  We  would,  major.  We'd  be  right  glad  ter,"  I  replied, 
adopting,  at  a  hint  from  Judge  Ould,  the  Georgia  dialect. 

We  descended  a  rough  plank  stairway,  and  entered  the 
basement.  It  was  a  damp,  mouldy,  dismal  place,  and  even 
then  —  in  hot  July  weather  —  as  cold  as  an  ice-house. 
What  must  it  have  been  in  midwinter! 

The  keeper  led  us  along  the  wall  to  where  Col.  A.  D. 


OUR   VISIT  TO  RICHMOND.  283 

Streight  and  more  than  sixty  of  his  officers  and  men  had 
broken  from  the  prison,  and  then  said,  "  The  wall  is  three 
feet  thick,  but  they  went  through  it,  and  all  the  way  under 
the  street,  with  only  a  few  case-knives,  a  chisel,  and  a 
dustpan." 

"  Wai,  they  war  smart !  But,  keeper,  whar  was  yer  eyes 
all  o'  thet  time?  Down  our  way,  ef  a  man  couldn't  see 
sixty  Yankees  a-wuckin'  so  fur  six  weeks,  in  a  clar  place 
like  this  yere,  we'd  reckon  he  warn't  fit  ter  'tend  a  pen 
o'  niggers." 

The  judge  whispered,  "  You're  overdoing  it.  Hold  in, 
and  talk  better  English."  Turner  winced  like  a  struck 
hound,  but,  smothering  his  wrath,  he  smilingly  replied, 
"  The  place  wasn't  clear  then.  It  was  filled  with  straw  and 
rubbish.  The  Yankees  covered  the  opening  with  it,  and 
hid  away  among  it  when  any  one  was  coming.  I  caught 
two  of  them  down  here  one  day,  but  they  pulled  the  wool 
over  my  eyes,  and  I  let  them  off  with  a  few  days  in  a 
dungeon.  But  that  fellow  Streight  would  outwit  the  devil. 
He  was  the  most  unruly  customer  I've  had  in  the  twenty 
months  I've  been  here.  I  put  him  in  keep,  time  and  again, 
but  I  never  could  cool  him  down." 

"  Whar  is  the  keep  ?"  I  asked.  "  Ye's  got  lots  o'  them, 
I  reckon." 

"  No,  —  only  nine.     Step  this  way,  and  I'll  show  you." 

"  Talk  better  English,"  said  the  judge,  laughing,  as  we 
fell  a  few  paces  behind  Turner.  "  There  are  some  school- 
masters in  Georgia." 

"  Not  in  the  part  I  cum  from,"  I  answered,  also  laugh- 
ing. "  That  fellow  has  swallowed  me  body  and  boots.  Let 
us  alone,  and  I'll  have  all  he  knows  out  of  him,  and  some- 
thing besides." 

The  dungeons  were  low,  close,  dismal  apartments,  about 


I 

284  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

twelve  feet  square,  boarded  off  from  the  remainder  of  the 
cellar,  and  lighted  by  only  a  narrow  grating  under  the  side- 
walk. Their  floors  were  encrusted  with  filth,  and  their 
walls  stained  and  damp  with  the  rain,  which  had  dripped 
down  from  the  street. 

"And  how  many  does  ye  commonly  lodge  yere,  when 
yer  hotel's  full  ? "  I  asked  of  Turner. 

"  I  have  had,"  he  said,  "  twenty  in  each,  but  fifteen  is 
about  as  many  as  they  comfortably  hold." 

"  I  reckon !  And  then  the  comfort  moughtn't  be  much 
ter  brag  on." 

The  keeper  soon  invited  us  to  walk  into  the  adjoining 
basement.  I  was  a  few  paces  in  advance  of  him,  taking  a 
straight  course  to  the  entrance,  when  a  sentinel,  pacing  to 
and  fro  in  the  middle  of  the  apartment,  levelled  his  mus- 
ket, so  as  to  bar  my  way,  saying,  as  he  did  so,  "  Ye  carn't 
pass  yere,  sir.  Ye  must  go  'round  by  the  wall." 

This  drew  my  attention  to  the  spot,  and  I  observed  that 
a  space  about  fifteen  feet  square,  in  the  centre  of  the  base- 
ment, and  directly  in  front  of  the  sentinel,  had  been 
recently  dug  up  with  a  spade.  While  in  all  other  places 
the  ground  was  trodden  to  the  hardness  and  color  of 
granite,  this  spot  seemed  to  be  soft,  and  had  the  reddish- 
yellow  hue  of  the  "  sacred  soil."  Another  sentry  was 
pacing  to  and  fro  on  its  other  side,  so  that  the  spot  was 
completely  guarded.  Why  was  it  so  closely  protected  t 
The  reason  flashed  upon  me,  and  I  said  to  Turner,  "I 
say,  how  many  barr'ls  has  ye  in  thar  ?  " 

"  Enough  to  blow  this  old  shanty  to  h — ,"  he  answered, 
curtly. 

"I  reckon!  Put  'em  thar  when  that  feller  Dahlgren 
wus  agwine  ter  rescue  'em,  —  the  Yankees?" 

"  I  reckon,"  was  his  only  answer ;  but  that  was  enough^ 


OUR    VISIT  TO  RICHMOND.  285 

with  the  lately  upturned  earth,  to  establish  as  a  fact  what 
has  been  persistently  denied  by  all  Confederate  writers.  The 
powder  stored  there  was,  in  case  of  outside  attack,  to  have 
blown  to  atoms  hundreds  of  unarmed  and  innocent  men. 

In  this  room,  seated  on  the  ground  or  leaning  listlessly 
against  the  walls,  were  a  dozen  poor  fellows,  who  were  held 
as  hostages  for  a  like  number  held  under  sentence  of  death 
by  our  Government.  Their  dejected,  homesick,  weary  look 
disclosed  some  of  the  horrors  of  imprisonment. 

"Let  us  go,"  I  said  to  the  judge.  "I've  had  enough 
of  this." 

"  No,"  said  Turner, "  you  must  see  the  up-stairs.  It  ain't 
so  gloomy  up  there." 

It  was  not  so  gloomy,  for  some  little  of  God's  sunlight 
did  come  in  through  the  dingy  windows ;  but  the  few  pris- 
oners in  the  upper  rooms  wore  the  same  sad,  disconsolate 
look  as  those  we  had  seen  in  the  basement.  "  It  is  not 
hard  fare,  or  close  quarters,  that  kills  men,"  said  Judge 
Ould ;  "  it  is  homesickness ;  and  the  strongest  and  bravest 
succumb  to  it  first." 

In  the  sill  of  an  attic  window,  I  found  a  Minie  ball. 
Prying  it  out  with  my  knife,  and  holding  it  up  to  Turner, 
I  said,  "  So,  ye  keeps  this  room  fur  a  shootin'  -  gallery, 
does  ye  ?  " 

"  Yes,"  he  answered,  laughing.  "  The  boys  practise  once 
in  a  while  on  the  Yankees.  You  see,  the  rules  forbid  their 
coming  within  three  feet  of  the  windows.  Sometimes  they 
do,  and  then  the  boys  take  a  pop  at  them." 

"  And  sometimes  hit  'em.     Hit  many  on  'em  ?  " 

"Yes;  a  heap." 

As  we  passed  out  of  the  entrance  door,  Judge  Ould  said, 
"  Now,  tell  me,  what  do  you  think  of  the  Libby  ?  " 

"  I  think  it  is  that  place  Saint  John  speaks  of  in  the 


286  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTION S. 

Revelation,  '  the  habitation  of  devils  and  the  hold  of  every 
foul  and  unclean  thing.'  I  can't  conceive  of  any  worse 
hell  than  such  a  place,  presided  over  by  such  a  miscreant 
as  that  man  Turner.  You  have  had  it  'swept  and  gar- 
nished '  to  pull  the  wool  over  our  eyes,  —  just  as  you  strung 
that  army  of  pickets  along  the  Newmarket  road ;  but  this 
Minie  ball,"  holding  it  out  to  him,  "  and  that  guarded 
spot  in  the  basement  tell  its  entire  history.  The  men  that 
planned  and  control  such  a  den  are  no  better  than  devils, 
and  are  not  fit  associates  for  such  an  upright,  high-minded 
man  as  you  are.  I  have  taken  a  strong  liking  to  you,  —  I 
never  met  a  man  for  whom,  on  so  short  an  acquaintance, 
I  conceived  so  kindly  a  feeling,  —  so  let  me  beg  of  you  to 
wash  your  hands  of  these  scoundrels ;  if  you  feel  that  you 
should  fight  us,  do  it  in  man  fashion,  at  the  head  of  your 
regiment,  but  not  in  concert  with  such  a  cowardly,  hellish 
set  of  miscreants  as  control  your  prisons." 

"You  are  very  indiscreet,  my  Yankee  friend,"  said 
Judge  Ould,  his  face  flushed,  and  speaking  in  a  low  tone. 
"  I've  kept  you  out  of  one  scrape  to-day ;  don't  oblige  me  to 
get  you  out  of  another." 

"  If  you  have  done  that,  I  thank  you ;  but  it's  no  more 
than  I  expected  of  you.  Butler  told  us  that  he  knew  you 
well,  —  that  you  were  a  square,  honorable  man,  and  we 
could  depend  on  you  in  all  circumstances." 

"  Did  Butler  say  that  ? "  asked  Judge  Ould,  smiling. 
"  Give  him  my  compliments,  and  tell  him  that  I  think  the 
devil  is  not  so  black  as  he  is  painted.  Now  I'll  take  you 
through  Castle  Thunder  and  the  prison  hospitals,  on  the 
condition  that  you  address  all  your  censorious  remarks  to 
me  privately.  Doubtless  the  places  will  be  fixed  up  a  little, 
for  they  know  a  couple  of  Georgians  are  coming,  but  you 
can  see  below  the  whitewash." 


OUR    VISIT  TO  RICHMOND.  287 

We  then  visited  Castle  Thunder  and  the  hospitals  for  the 
Union  wounded,  and,  about  six  o'clock,  were  ready  to  take 
our  seats  in  the  ambulance  which  was  to  convey  us  to  the 
headquarters  of  General  Foster,  at  Deep  Bottom.  As  we 
were  about  to  take  our  seats  in  the  ambulance,  Judge  Ould 
drew  me  a  short  distance  aside,  saying :  "  I  have  a  favor  to 
ask  of  you." 

The  favor  was  that  I  should  obtain  from  Mr.  Lincoln 
permits  for  some  half-dozen  persons  to  pass,  to  or  fro, 
through  the  lines.  I  assured  him  that,  beyond  question, 
Mr.  Lincoln  would  give  the  desired  permissions,  and  then  I 
said :  "  Now,  judge,  explain  to  me  your  delay  of  this 
morning." 

He  then  said  that  at  nine  o'clock  he  had  gone  to  Mr. 
Davis's  house  for  the  official  permit  to  take  us  out,  and  had 
found  there  Secretary  Benjamin,  who  was  impressing  upon 
Mr.  Davis  the  necessity  of  placing  us  in  Castle  Thunder  un- 
til the  Northern  election  was  over.  He  insisted  that  while 
Jaquess  was  sincerely  desirous  of  opening  the  door  for 
peace,  I  had  no  expectation  of  doing  so,  and  was  solely  bent 
on  drawing  them  out  on  points  that  would  prejudice  them 
with  Northern  voters. 

Mr.  Davis  hesitated,  —  he  thought  they  could  not  honor- 
ably detain  men  who  had  come  to  them  on  a  peace  errand. 
While  the  judgment  of  Davis  was  in  suspense,  Ould  had 
entered  the  room,  and  Davis  appealed  to  him  for  his  opin- 
ion. Ould  assured  him  that  I  was  so  frank  a  man  that  he 
should  have  discovered  any  political  purpose  if  I  had  one ; 
that  I  had  expressed  myself  with  the  utmost  freedom  —  and 
not  always  in  a  complimentary  manner  —  about  Southern 
men  and  Southern  principles;  and  as  an  instance  of  my 
very  uncommon  frankness  he  mentioned  my  exposure  of 
the  ruse  they  had  attempted  to  play  upon  us  with  the 


288  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

Sibley  tents  and  the  overgrown  picket-stations.  Davis  ad- 
journed the  discussion  by  asking  Ould  to  call  on  him  at  two 
o'clock,  when  he  would  decide  the  matter.  At  that  tune 
he  gave  Ould  the  permit,  with  the  remark,  "  This  is  prob- 
ably a  bad  business  for  us,  anyway ;  but  it  would  alienate 
many  of  our  Northern  friends  should  we  hold  on  to  these 
gentlemen." 

We  arrived  near  the  Union  lines  at  Deep  Bottom  soon 
after  sunset,  and  the  waving  of  a  white  flag  brought  to  us  a 
young  officer  from  the  nearest  picket-station.  He  went  at 
once  to  General  Foster  for  a  couple  of  horses,  and  in  half 
an  hour  we  entered  the  general's  tent.  It  was  after  his 
dinner-hour,  but  he  proposed  to  kill  for  us  the  fatted  calf. 
"For,"  he  said,  "these,  my  sons,  were  dead,  and  are 
alive  again ;  were  lost,  and  are  found."  We  let  him  kill 
the  calf,  —  it  tasted  wonderfully  like  salt  pork,  —  and  then 
again  mounting  his  horses,  we  were  at  ten  o'clock  that 
night  at  General  Butler's  headquarters. 

At  General  Grant's  invitation,  Colonel  Jaquess  remained 
a  few  days  at  City  Point,  but  I  took  the  first  boat  for 
Washington.  On  the  way  down  the  river,  and  while  the 
facts  were  fresh  in  my  mind,  I  wrote  out  the  interview 
with  Davis  and  Benjamin,  which  I  proposed  to  read  to  Mr. 
Lincoln,  to  avoid  the  omissions  and  inaccuracies  that  might 
occur  in  a  verbal  recital.  Arrived  in  Washington,  I  hur- 
ried to  the  White  House.  Mr.  Sumner  was  closeted  with 
the  President,  but  my  name  was  no  sooner  announced  than 
a  kindly  voice  said,  "  Come  in.  Bring  him  in."  As  I  en- 
tered his  room  he  rose  and,  grasping  my  hand,  said  :  "  I'm 
glad  you're  back.  I  heard  of  your  return  two  nights  ago, 
but  they  said  you  were  non-committal.  What  is  it,  —  as 
we  expected?" 

"  Exactly,  sir,"  I  answered.     "  There  is  no  peace  without 


OUB   VISIT  TO  RICHMOND.  289 

separation.  Coming  down  on  the  boat,  I  wrote  out  the 
interview  to  read  to  you  when  you  are  at  leisure." 

"  I  am  at  leisure  now,"  he  replied.  "  Sunmer,  too,  would 
he  glad  to  hear  it." 

When  I  had  finished  the  reading,  he  said,  "  What  do> 
you  propose  to  do  with  this?" 

"  Put  a  beginning  and  an  end  to  it,  sir,  on  my  way  home, 
and  hand  it  to  the  Tribune." 

"  Can't  you  get  it  into  the  Atlantic  Monthly?"  he  asked. 
"  It  would  have  less  of  a  partisan  look  there." 

"  No  doubt  I  can,  sir,"  I  replied ;  "  but  there  would  be 
some  delay  about  it." 

"And  it  is  important  that  Davis's  position  should  be 
known  at  once,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln.  "It  will  show  the 
country  that  I  didn't  fight  shy  of  Greeley's  Niagara  busi- 
ness without  a  reason ;  and  everybody  is  agog  to  hear  your 
report.  Let  it  go  into  the  Tribune" 

"  Permit  me  to  suggest,"  said  Mr.  Sumner,  "  that  Mr. 
Gilmore  put  at  once  a  short  card,  with  the  separation  dec- 
laration of  Davis,  into  one  of  the  Boston  papers,  and  then, 
as  soon  as  he  can,  the  fuller  report  into  the  Atlantic." 

"  That  is  it,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln.  "  Put  Davis's  '  We  are 
not  fighting  for  slavery ;  we  are  fighting  for  independence  ' 
into  the  card,  —  that  is  enough ;  and  send  me  the  proof  of 
what  goes  into  the  Atlantic.  Don't  let  it  appear  till  I  re- 
turn the  proof.  Some  day  all  this  will  come  out,  but  just 
now  we  must  use  discretion." 

As  I  rose  to  leave,  Mr.  Lincoln  took  my  hand,  and  while 
he  held  it  in  his  said,  "  Jaquess  was  right,  —  God's  hand  is 
in  it.  This  may  be  worth  as  much  to  us  as  half  a  dozen 
battles.  Get  the  thing  out  as  soon  as  you  can ;  but  don't 
forget  to  send  me  the  proof  of  what  you  write  for  the 
Atlantic.  Good-by.  God  bless  you." 


290  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

The  "  card  "  appeared  in  the  Boston  Evening  Transcript 
of  July  22,  1864,  and  two  or  three  days  afterwards  Mr. 
James  T.  Fields  handed  to  me  the  proof  of  the  Atlantic 
article,  which  I  at  once  forwarded  to  Mr.  Lincoln.  He 
retained  it  seven  days,  and  thereby  delayed  the  issue  of  the 
magazine  considerably  beyond  the  usual  period ;  and  when 
the  proof  came  back  from  him  it  was  curtailed  a  full  page 
and  a  half  of  its  original  proportions.  He  had  stricken 
out  the  terms  he  wa$  willing  to  grant  to  the  Eebellion,  and 
all  reference  which  I  had  made  to  compensation  for  the 
slaves.  I  had  intended  the  article  not  only  as  a  declara- 
tion of  Mr.  Davis's  position,  but  also  as  a  manifesto  to  the 
Southern  people  of  the  liberal  conditions  on  which  they 
could  return  to  the  Union.  I  thought  a  knowledge  of 
those  conditions  would  create  a  rebellion  within  a  rebellion, 
and  so  much  deplete  the  Southern  armies  as  to  shorten  the 
war  materially. 

Mr.  Lincoln  told  me  subsequently  that  he  held  the  proof 
under  consideration  for  a  few  days  because,  while  he  was 
at  first  tempted  to  let  the  article  stand  as  I  had  written  it, 
fuller  reflection  convinced  him  that  the  publication  of  his 
terms  would  sow  dissension  in  the  South,  and  he  was 
unwilling  that  his  words  should  have  any  such  effect. 
Had  these  terms  been  accepted,  the  South  would  have 
come  out  of  the  war  in  a  better  financial  position  than  the 
North,  and  the  revolted  States  would  have  been  saved  the 
long  agony  of  reconstruction. 

Oliver  Wendell  Holmes  wrote 1  me  soon  afterwards  that 
beyond  any  question  the  Atlantic  article  had  a  larger  number 
of  readers  than  any  magazine  article  ever  written.  It  was 
republished  by  nearly  every  leading  newspaper  in  the  North, 

i  The  letter  is  in  the  library  of  Johns  Hopkins  University. 


OUR   VISIT  TO  RICHMOND.  291 

.-and  was  copied  entire  by  the  London  Times,  News,  and 
Telegraph.  It  was  doubtless  read  by  not  less  than  one-half 
of  the  four  millions  of  men  who  voted  in  the  presidential 
election  of  1864  ;  and  it  may  have  turned  from  the  "  error 
of  their  ways  "  the  comparatively  small  number  that  were 
needed  to  give  McClellan  the  popular,  and,  perhaps,  the 
electoral  vote  for  the  presidency. 

E.  A.  Pollard,  hi  his  "  Southern  History  of  the  War," 
says :  "  No  doubt  can  rest  in  history  that,  at  the  time  of 
the  Chicago  Convention  [which  nominated  McClellan],  the 
Democratic  party  in  the  North  had  prepared  a  secret  pro- 
gramme of  operations,  the  final  and  inevitable  conclusion 
of  which  was  the  acknowledgment  of  the  independence 
of  the  Confederate  States."  Commenting  on  this  declara- 
tion in  the  Tribune,  Horace  Greeley  said:  "  We  have  always 
supposed  that  there  was  a  general  understanding  arrived  at 
between  the  rebel  commissioners  in  Canada,  and  their 
Democratic  visitors  from  this  side,  as  to  what  should  be 
said  and  done  at  Chicago,  and  that  it  was  spoiled  by  Jeff 
Davis's  peremptory  declaration  to  Jaquess  and  Gilmore 
that  he  would  consent  to  no  peace  that  did  not  recognize 
the  Southern  Confederacy  as  henceforth  independent.  We 
believe  that  visit  of  Jaquess  and  Gilmore  to  Richmond 
saved  the  vote  of  this  [New  York]  State  to  Lincoln, 
though  Sherman's  capture  of  Atlanta,  and  Sheridan's  vic- 
tories in  the  Valley  doubtless  cooperated  with  the  semi- 
treasonable  follies  of  the  Chicago  Convention  and  Platform 
to  render  the  general  triumph  of  Lincoln  more  complete 
and  overwhelming." 

President  Lincoln  recognized  the  political  character,  and 
estimated  the  importance  of  our  "  mission "  in  a  letter 
which  he  addressed  to  Abram  Wakeman,  postmaster  at 
New  York  City,  directly  after  the  interview  that  is  just 


292  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

recorded.  The  letter  may  be  found  in  Volume  II.  of  "  The 
Letters  and  Speeches  of  Abraham  Lincoln,"  by  John  Hay 
and  John  G.  Nicolay.  In  the  same  work  may  be  found 
the  draft  of  a  message  to  Congress  that  was  prepared,  some 
few  months  later,  by  Mr.  Lincoln,  recommending  an  appro- 
priation of  three  hundred  million  dollars  for  payment 
for  the  slaves  who  had  been  manumitted  by  his  proclama- 
tion, and  which  was  not  delivered  or  published,  because  it 
was  objected  to  by  his  Cabinet. 

In  this  connection  I  am  reminded  to  state  that  when  the 
Hon.  Robert  J.  Walker  returned  in  the  fall  of  1864,  from 
his  visit  to  Europe  in  the  service  of  the  Treasury  Depart- 
ment, he  questioned  me  as  to  the  "  true  inwardness  "  of  the 
"  Peace  Mission  to  Richmond,"  remarking  that  I  was  cer- 
tainly too  well  informed  to  expect  that  peace  would  result 
from  the  journey.  After  disclosing  —  as  was  my  habit 
with  him  —  the  whole  inner  history  of  the  transaction,  I 
remarked,  "  But,  Governor,  was  it  not  very  magnanimous 
in  Mr.  Lincoln  to  so  urgently  seek  the  counsel  of  Mr. 
Chase  when  he  had  so  recently  been  obliged  to  request  him 
to  'step  down  and  out'  from  his  Cabinet,  and  was  aware 
that  he  harbored  towards  him  intensely  bitter  feelings  ?  " 

Mr.  Walker  laughed  as  he  answered,  "  Can  you  not  see 
an  elephant  without  using  your  glasses  ?  Mr.  Lincoln  was 
about  to  offer  compensation  for  the  slaves,  and  he  knew 
that  the  Abolitionists  and  radical  Republicans  would  make 
'  Rome  howl '  over  the  proposition.  What  would  so  effec- 
tually silence  their  clamor  as  a  statement  by  their  great 
leader,  Mr.  Chase,  that  he  had  helped  to  form,  and  fully 
assented  to,  those  propositions?  Have  I  not  often  told 
you  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  the  shrewdest  of  all  living  poli- 
ticians?" 

It  is  incontestable  that  our  visit  to  Richmond  bore  fruit 


OUR    VISIT  TO  RICHMOND.  293 

to  the  "  healing  of  the  nation ; "  but,  had  I  been  asked  to 
repeat  the  visit  under  similar  circumstances,  I  think  I 
should  have  answered  in  the  words  of  the  young  Quakeress, 
who,  against  the  rules  of  the  society,  had  married  a  military 
man,  and  was  called  up  before  the  elders  to  receive  the 
penalty  of  excommunication,  but  was  told  by  the  tender- 
hearted brethren  that  she  would  be  forgiven  if  she  said 
that  she  was  sorry.  "  I  can't,"  she  answered,  "  truly  say 
that  I  am  sorry;  but  I  will  say  that  I  will  not  do  so 
again." 


CHAPTER   XVIII. 

THE   GREAT    CONSPIRACY. 

As  early  as  the  summer  of  1863  rumors  were  prevalent 
in  the  North  of  the  existence  at  the  West  of  a  treasonable 
organization  under  the  various  names  of  "  Sons  of  Liberty,'* 
"  American  Knights,"  and  "  Knights  of  the  Golden  Circle,'* 
the  object  of  which  was  to  effect  a  disruption  of  the  North- 
ern States,  and  thus  afford  efficient  aid  in  the  establish- 
ment of  the  Southern  Confederacy.  There  was  at  the  time 
no  positive  proof  of  the  truth  of  this  rumor,  and  it  was 
altogether  discredited  by  Secretary  Stanton,  but  it  was  so 
far  believed  by  President  Lincoln,  as  early  as  July,  1863, 
that  he  declined  to  appoint  Judge  Edmonds  to  investigate 
into  the  origin  of  the  New  York  riots,  lest  he  should  thereby 
disturb  a  hornets'  nest,  and  find  himself  with  two  rebellions, 
on  his  hands  —  as  I  have  shown  in  the  chapter  on  "The 
Tribune  in  the  Draft  Riots." 

The  first  trustworthy  evidence  of  this  formidable  organi- 
zation was  obtained  by  General  Rosecrans  in  February, 
1864,  —  soon  after  he  had  been  appointed  to  the  command 
of  the  Department  of  the  Missouri ;  and  the  full  discovery 
he  made  of  this  conspiracy  is  one  of  the  most  important  of 
the  many  great  services  he  rendered  to  the  country.  His 
spies  joined  the  treasonable  order,  and  were  admitted  to  its 
secret  conclaves,  where  they  learned  that  it  was  a  gigan- 
tic organization,  overspreading  nearly  all  of  the  Western 

294 


THE  GREAT  CONSPIRACY.  295 

States,  and  having  as  its  commanders-in-chief,  C.  L.  Vallan- 
digham,  of  Ohio,  and  General  Stirling  Price,  ol  Missouri.  It 
had  a  military  organization,  with  general  and  subordinate 
officers,  and  claimed  five  hundred  thousand  enrolled  mem- 
bers, all  bound  to  a  blind  obedience  to  the  orders  of  their 
superiors,  and  pledged  to  "  take  up  arms  against  any  gov- 
ernment found  waging  war  against  a  people  endeavoring  to 
establish  a  government  of  their  own  choice."  Its  immedi- 
ate objects  were  a  general  rising  in  Missouri  and  a  similar 
rising  in  Ohio,  Indiana,  Illinois,  and  Kentucky,  in  coopera- 
tion with  Confederate  forces  which  were  to  invade  the  last- 
named  State  and  Missouri.  A  part  of  its  programme  was 
the  liberation  of  the  Confederate  prisoners  of  war  at  Camp 
Douglas,  Camp  Morton,  Johnson's  Island,  and  other 
Northern  prisons,  and  the  supplying  of  them  with  arms 
that  were  being  secretly  brought  into  the  country. 

The  time  was  auspicious  for  the  enterprise,  Missouri 
and  the  other  Western  States  having  been  denuded  of 
troops,  for  service  elsewhere,  and  all  the  prisons  being  in- 
sufficiently guarded  by  soldiers  of  the  Veteran  Reserve 
Corps,  many  of  whom  were  totally  unfit  for  military  duty. 
When  all  was  in  readiness,  Jacob  Thompson,  of  Mississippi, 
who  had  been  Mr.  Buchanan's  Secretary  of  the  Interior, 
appeared  at  the  Clifton  House,  Niagara  Falls,  with,  it  was 
said,  a  large  sum  of  money,  to  take  direction  of  the  opera- 
tions. This  made  it  evident  that,  if  the  organization  had 
not  been  planned  by  the  Richmond  authorities,  it  was  under 
their  direct  control,  and  was  to  be  made  to  serve  as  an 
auxiliary  force  in  their  war  upon  the  union. 

The  first  movement  was  by  Stirling  Price,  against  Mis- 
souri, which  State  he  invaded  late  in  September  with 
nearly  twenty  thousand  men,  expecting  to  be  joined  by 
twenty-three  thousand  American  Knights  in  the  counties 


296  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

bordering  on  Arkansas ;  but  by  the  superb  strategy  of 
Rosecrans,  Price's  plans  were  frustrated,  and  he  was  driven, 
by  a  much  inferior  force,  from  the  State  by  the  middle  of 
November. 

Thus  the  snake  was  scotched,  but  not  killed.  Before 
Price's  rear-guard  was  safely  over  the  line  into  Arkansas, 
Thompson  was  ready  for  another  spring  at  Camp  Douglas, 
in  the  suburbs  of  Chicago.  And  this  spring  was  to  be  more 
deadly  than  the  other,.—  a  blow  struck  at  the  very  heart  of 
the  great  West,  and  calculated  to  paralyze  the  energies 
of  the  entire  North.  The  eight  or  nine  thousand  prisoners 
at  Camp  Douglas  were  to  be  joined  by  the  four  thousand 
Canadian  refugees,  and  Missouri  "Butternuts"  to  be  en- 
gaged in  their  release,  and  the  five  thousand  American 
Knights  who  were  resident  in  Chicago.  This  force  of 
about  eighteen  thousand  men  would  be  a  nucleus  around 
which  the  conspirators  in  other  parts  of  Illinois  might 
gather;  and  being  joined  by  the  prisoners  liberated  from 
other  camps,  and  members  of  the  order  from  other  States, 
they  would  soon  form  an  army  a  hundred  thousand  strong. 
So  fully  had  everything  been  foreseen  and  arranged  for, 
that  the  leaders  expected  to  gather  and  organize  this  vast 
body  of  men  within  the  space  of  a  fortnight. 

The  Union  Government  could  bring  into  the  field  no 
force  to  withstand  the  progress  of  such  an  army.  The  con- 
sequence would  be  that  the  entire  character  of  the  war 
would  be  changed ;  its  theatre  would  be  shifted  from  the 
border  to  the  heart  of  the  Free  States,  and  Southern  inde- 
pendence, and  the  beginning  at  the  North  of  that  process 
of  disintegration  so  confidently  counted  on  by  the  Con- 
federate leaders  at  the  outbreak  of  hostilities,  would  have 
followed. 

As  I  have  said,  the  nucleus  for  this  great  hostile  gather- 


THE  GREAT  CONSPIRACY.  297 

ing  of  American  Knights  was  to  have  been  the  body  of 
Confederate  soldiers  who  were  to  be  liberated  from  the 
various  Northern  prisons.  How  many  they  numbered  at 
this  period  cannot  be  stated  with  accuracy,  but  estimating 
the  entire  force  by  the  number  confined  at  Camp  Douglas, 
it  could  not  have  varied  much  from  forty  thousand ;  and  if 
we  call  to  mind  that  all  the  prisons  were  insufficiently 
guarded,  and  none  were  constructed  with  a  view  to  resisting 
attack  from  an  outside  enemy,  it  will  be  seen  that  the 
danger  was  not  only  imminent,  but  absolutely  appalling. 
Jacob  Thompson  had  rightly  said  that,  Camp  Douglas  once 
in  his  hands,  the  most  populous  cities  of  the  West,  and 
^very  one  of  its  loyal  citizens,  would  be  altogether  at  the 
mercy  of  his  Confederate  soldiery. 

What  saved  the  West  from  being  engulfed  in  this  whirl- 
pool of  ruin?  Nothing  but  the  cool  brain,  sleepless  vigi- 
lance, and  remarkable  sagacity  of  one  man,  —  a  young 
officer  never  read  of  in  the  newspapers,  removed  from  field 
duty  because  of  disability;  but  specially  commissioned,  I 
verily  believe,  by  the  Providence  that  guards  our  country, 
to  ferret  out  and  foil  this  deeper-laid,  wider-spread,  and 
more  diabolical  conspiracy  than  any  that  darkens  the  pages 
of  history.  On  the  roll  of  atrocious  villainy,  not  even 
Catiline  is  worthy  to  rank  with  Jacob  Thompson.  Others 
than  this  young  man  were  instrumental  in  dragging  the 
dark  iniquity  to  light;  but  they  failed  to  fathom  its  deep 
enormity  or  to  discover  its  point  of  outbreak.  He  did 
that,  and  he  throttled  the  tiger  when  it  was  about  to 
spring,  and  so  he  is  deserving  of  the  lasting  gratitude 
of  the  country.  How  he  did  it  I  now  propose  to  tell.  It 
is  a  marvellous  tale ;  it  will  sound  more  like  romance  than 
history,  but  its  every  word  is  true  as  I  heard  it  from  the 
lips  of  the  young  officer  himself,  and  his  chief  subordinates 


298  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTION 8. 

in  Camp  Douglas,  during  the  week  immediately  following 
the  crowning  event  of  the  remarkable  story.  Moreover, 
every  fact  in  the  account  was  verified  to  me  by  official 
documents,  or  credible  witnesses,  during  the  three  days 
that  I  was  occupied  in  the  investigation. 

There  was  nothing  remarkable  in  the  appearance  of  this 
young  officer.  He  was  about  thirty  years  of  age,  nearly 
six  feet  in  height,  with  an  erect,  military  carriage,  a  frank,, 
manly  face,  and  he  looked  every  inch  a  soldier,  such  a 
soldier  as  would  stand  up  all  day  in  a  square  hand-to-hand 
fight  with  an  open  enemy;  but  the  keenest  eye  would 
detect  in  him  no  indication  of  the  crafty  genius  that 
delights  to  follow  the  windings  of  wickedness  when  bur- 
rowing in  the  dark.  But  if  not  a  Fouche  or  a  Vidocq,  he 
was  certainly  an  able  man;  for  in  a  section  where  able 
men  are  as  plenty  as  apple-blossoms  in  June,  he  was  elected 
State  Senator  before  he  was  twenty-seven,  and,  entering  the 
volunteer  army  as  a  subaltern  officer,  he  had  risen  before 
the  battle  of  Perryville  to  the  command  of  a  regiment. 
At  that  battle  a  Confederate  bullet  entered  his  shoulder, 
and  crushed  the  bones  of  his  right  elbow.  This  disabled 
him  for  field  duty,  and  thus  it  came  about  that  he  assumed 
the  light  blue  of  the  Veteran  Reserves,  and,  on  the  second 
day  of  May,  1864,  was  appointed  to  the  command  of  the 
prison  camp  near  the  city  of  Chicago. 

Camp  Douglas  stood  on  the  shore  of  Lake  Michigan,, 
about  three  miles  from  the  business  centre  of  Chicago.  It 
contained  twenty  or  more  acres  of  flat,  sandy  soil,  and  was 
surrounded  by  a  close  board  fence,  an  inch  thick,  and  four- 
teen feet  high,  which  a  score  of  men,  armed  with  heavy 
axes,  might  easily  have  battered  down  in  less  than  an 
hour.  This  fence  was  its  sole  exterior  protection.  Along 
the  front  of  the  enclosure  ran  the  public  highway  that  led 


THE  GEE  AT  CONSPIRACY.  299 

to  Chicago,  and  opening  on  this  highway  was  the  front 
gateway,  built  of  plank  somewhat  thicker  than  the  fence, 
but  no  protection  against  the  blows  of  a  stout  axeman. 
Near  the  gateway  were  the  offices  of  the  commandant  of 
the  prison,  and  directly  in  their  rear  was  a  plot  of  about 
four  acres,  occupied  as  a  parade-ground  and  by  the  bar- 
racks of  the  guard.  Adjoining  this  was  another  space 
devoted  to  the  hospital  buildings,  the  bakery,  and  the 
dispensary,  which  last  was  in  charge  of  a  Confederate 
surgeon,  who  had  been  an  apothecary  at  his  home. 

In  the  rear  of  these  various  buildings,  and  abutting  on 
the  rear  fence  of  the  prison  enclosure,  were  the  barracks 
of  the  prisoners,  —  sixty-four  long,  low  buildings,  ranged  in 
rows  of  sixteen,  divided  by  wide  streets,  and  capable  of 
comfortably  housing  ten  thousand  prisoners.  At  the  time 
of  my  visit  there  were  in  these  barracks  8,308  private  sol- 
diers of  the  Confederate  army,  and,  as  these  were  the  very 
men  whom  Jacob  Thompson  intended  to  serve  as  the  fiery 
nucleus  of  the  force  that  was  to  devastate  the  West,  I  may 
as  well  expend  upon  them  a  few  words  of  description.  I 
passed  a  large  portion  of  three  days  among  them,  convers- 
ing with  them  freely,  and  sharing  their  rations,  and,  but  for 
their  "  butternut "  garb  and  Southern  lingo,  I  might  have 
taken  them  for  a  gathering  of  back-country  Yankees. 
Some  few  were  what  are  commonly  styled  "  gentlemen," 
but  much  the  larger  number  were  workingmen,  accus- 
tomed to  some  form  of  mechanical  or  agricultural  labor. 
Not  many  of  them  could  read  or  write,  and  they  lacked  the 
refinement  of  manner  that  comes  from  contact  with  culti- 
vated society,  but  they  were  essentially  Yankees,  differing 
from  the  Northern  Jonathan  only  as  they  had  been 
warped  by  slavery,  or  kept  down  by  slaveholders. 

Whittling  and  swapping  are  counted  Yankee  peculiari- 


300  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

ties.  That  number  of  Englishmen,  hived  within  the  limits 
of  a  dozen  acres,  would  have  taken  to  grumbling,  Germans 
to  smoking,  and  Irishmen  to  brawling,  but  those  eight 
thousand  Southerners  had  taken  to  whittling,  thus  show- 
ing themselves  to  be  Yankees,  —  and  no  amount  of  false 
education  and  bad  politics  will  ever  make  them  anything 
else.  One  had  whittled  a  fiddle  from  a  pine  shingle; 
another,  a  clarionet  from  an  ox-bone;  a  third,  a  meer- 
schaum from  a  corn-cob ;  a  fourth,  a  water-wheel  —  which, 
he  said,  would  propel  machinery  without  a  waterfall  — 
from  half  a  dozen  sticks  of  hickory;  a  fifth,  with  no 
previous  practice,  made  gold  rings  from  brass,  and  jet 
from  gutta-percha ;  and,  to  crown  all,  a  sixth  had  actually 
whittled  a  whistle  —  and  a  whistle  that  would  blow  —  out 
of  a  pig's  tail. 

And  they  displayed  the  trading  as  well  as  the  inventive 
genius  of  Yankees.  One  had  swapped  coats  until  he  had 
got  entirely  out  at  the  elbows,  another  trousers  until  his 
came  scarcely  below  the  knees,  another  hats  until  he  had 
only  part  of  a  rim  and  the  "  smallest  showing  "  of  a  crown, 
and  yet  every  time — so  he  said  —  he  had  got  the  best  of 
the  trade ;  and  another  regularly  bought  out  the  old  apple 
woman  and  peddled  her  stock  about  the  camp  at  the  rate 
of  a  dollar  "  a  grab,"  payable  in  greenbacks.  With  these 
striking  peculiarities, — whittling,  swapping,  and  peddling, 
—  no  one  could  deny  that  those  men  were  Yankees ;  per- 
haps not  descended  from  Plymouth  Rock,  but  coming  by  a 
more  direct  route  from  the  British  Islands. 

The  town-meeting  is  said  to  be  the  most  striking  pecul- 
iarity of  New  England  society,  and  it  is  reckoned  by  some 
as  the  very  bulwark  of  Yankee  liberty.  It  does  not  exist 
in  the  South,  because  it  has  been  repressed  by  more  than 
two  centuries  of  slavery.  But  it  must  be  in  the  Southern 


THE  GREAT  CONSPIRACY.  301 

blood,  for  it  burst  forth  in  full  flower  at  Camp  Douglas.  I 
was  informed  of  it  by  Captain  Sponable,  the  gentlemanly 
inspector  of  the  prison,  with  whom  one  evening  I  attended 
one  of  the  meetings.  It  was  held  hi  the  long  hall  of  a  bar- 
rack, a  room  about  eighty  feet  in  length,  with  three  tiers 
of  bunks  on  either  side,  and  furnished  with  a  stove  and 
a  number  of  hard-bottomed  benches.  The  lamps  had  been 
lighted  and  something  more  than  a  hundred  natives  were 
assembled,  a  few  of  whom,  seated  on  tomato  boxes,  were 
engaged  at  euchre  or  "  seven-up ; "  but  much  the  larger 
number  were  squatted  on  the  floor  or  leaning  against  the 
bunks,  listening  to  an  impassioned  speaker  who  was  "  fight- 
ing his  battles  over  again,"  and  knocking  the  "  rotten  Union 
inter  everlastin'  smash." 

He  was  followed  by  "  your  feller  citizen,  Jim  Hurdle, 
sir,"  who  during  the  other's  speech  had  stood  nursing  his 
coat-tails  before  the  stove,  but  at  the  conclusion  extended 
his  right  arm,  and  pitched  into  the  previous  speaker  as 
if  he  meant  to  give  us  ocular  proof  of  the  possibility  of 
annihilation. 

A  glance  was  enough  to  convince  me  that  Mr.  Hurdle 
was  a  "  character  "  and  a  "  genius  "  of  the  first  order.  His 
coat  was  decidedly  seedy,  his  hat  much  the  worse  for  wear, 
and  his  trousers  so  out  at  the  knees  that  one  might  suppose 
he  had  spent  his  entire  life  in  religious  devotions ;  but  he 
was  a  "  born  gentleman,"  above  work  and  "  too  proud  to 
be  beholden  to  a  kentry  he  had  fit  agin."  He  knew  a  little 
of  everything  under  the  sun,  and  had  a  tongue  that  could 
outrun  any  railway  engine  in  the  universe.  The  opposing 
orator  had  devoted  his  energies  to  knocking  the  rotten 
Union  into  forty  thousand  flinders.  Mr.  Hurdle  expended 
his  upon  the  Confederacy.  "  The  Confederacy,  sir,"  he 
shouted,  "  ar'  busted,  —  gone  all  ter  smash.  It  ar'  rottener 


302  PEESONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

nor  any  egg  that  ever  was  sot  on,  and  dedder'n  any  door 
nail  that  ever  was  driv." 

"  But  it  bites  a  leetle  yit,  Jim,"  said  some  one  from 
among  the  audience. 

"  Bites,"  echoed  Mr.  Hurdle ;  "  of  course  it  do.  So  do 
a  turtle  arter  his  head  ar'  cut  off.  I  know'd  one  of  them 
critters  onc't  that  an  old  nigger  man  decapitated.  The 
next  day  he  was  amusin'  himself  pokin'  sticks  at  him,  and 
the  turtle  was  bitin'  at  him  like  time.  Then  I  says  ter  the 
old  feller :  '  Why,  Pomp,  I  thought  the  turtle  was  dead.' 
*Well,  he  am  dead,  massa,'  says  Pomp,  'but  the  critter 
doan't  know  enough  ter  be  sensible  ob  it.'  And  so,  feller 
citizens,  the  Confederacy  ar'  dead,  but  Jeff  Davis  and  them 
sort  o'  fellers  don't  know  enough  to  be  sensible  of  it." 

But  at  nine  o'clock  "  lights  out "  rang  through  the  camp, 
and  the  captain  and  I  retired  to  his  quarters.  Seated  there, 
he  told  me  of  Mr.  Hurdle's  escape  not  long  before  from  the 
prison.  I  do  not  remember  how  he  managed  to  elude 
the  guard,  but  he  did  so  and  got  safely  into  Chicago. 
There  he  wandered  about  the  streets  till  he  was  nearly  fam- 
ished, when  at  last  he  came  upon  a  baker's  wagon  standing 
in  front  of  a  provision  store.  There  being  no  one  in  sight, 
and  deeming  it  better  to  steal  than  to  starve,  he  thrust  his 
hand  into  the  wagon  to  confiscate  a  loaf  of  bread;  but 
before  he  had  secured  one,  a  dog  sprang  out  of  the  wagon 
and  seized  him  by  the  slack  of  his  trousers.  In  the  strug- 
gle that  followed  both  he  and  the  dog  rolled  over  in  the 
gutter  together,  and  then  Mr.  Hurdle  tried  to  pull  up  a 
paving-stone  to  brain  the  animal.  The  stone  refused 
to  come  up,  but  he  managed  finally  to  get  away  with  badly 
damaged  trousers.  Then,  taking  a  straight  course  back  to 
Camp  Douglas,  he  applied  to  the  commandant  for  readmis- 
sion  to  his  former  quarters,  saying  it  was  not  safe  to  be  at 


THE  GEE  AT  CONSPIRACY.  303 

large  in  a  country  "  where  they  let  loose  the  dogs  and  tie 
•up  the  paving-stones." 

Wendell  Phillips  used  to  say  that  if  you  scratched  a 
Yankee  you  would  come  at  once  upon  a  savage.  With 
the  Southern  Yankees  in  Camp  Douglas  it  would  not  be 
necessary  to  go  below  the  cuticle  to  come  upon  the  un- 
tamed animal.  About  fifteen  hundred  of  them  were  the 
rough  riders  of  John  Morgan,  —  men  who  feared  neither 
God,  man,  nor  the  devil ;  as  many  more  were  Texas 
rangers,  —  wild,  reckless  characters,  fonder  of  a  fight  than 
of  a  dinner,  and  ready  for  any  enterprise,  however  desper- 
ate, that  held  out  the  smallest  prospect  of  freedom.  The 
remainder  were  the  equals  —  every  man  of  them  —  of  any 
of  our  Northern  soldiers,  and  better  by  half  than  the 
foreign  mercenaries  whom  we  had  bribed  by  bounties  to 
fill  the  Southern  graveyards. 

Against  such  an  army,  well  equipped  and  ably  led, 
whether  with  or  without  outside  aid,  what  force  could 
be  opposed  by  the  new  commandant  ?  Precisely  seven 
hundred  and  ninety-six  maimed  veterans,  stiff  with  wounds 
and  racked  with  rheumatism,  and  posted  behind  a  slender 
board  fence  that  would  tumble  to  the  ground  sooner  than 
did  the  walls  of  Jericho  before  the  trumpets  of  Joshua. 
At  once  he  called  upon  his  commanding  general  for 
reinforcements,  though  as  yet  he  knew  nothing  of  the 
disclosures.  Rosecrans  had  already  sent  to  the  War 
Department.  But  no  reinforcements  could  be  had ;  every 
able-bodied  man  was  needed  at  the  front,  for  the  country 
was  then  in  the  supremest  crisis  of  the  great  struggle. 
Seeing  then  that  he  must  rely  altogether  upon  his  own 
resources,  he  resolved  at  once  to  make  himself  master  of 
the  situation,  —  to  repair  by  vigilance  his  deficiency  in 
numbers.  He  had  already  discovered  that  the  prison  was 


304  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

in  charge  of  the  prisoners ;  that  they  served  out  rations 
and  distributed  clothing  to  their  comrades,  dealt  out 
ammunition  to  the  guards,  and  even  kept  the  records  in 
the  quarters  of  the  commandant.  This  state  of  things 
underwent  a  sudden  change.  With  the  exception  of  a 
very  few,  whose  characters  recommended  them  to  peculiar 
confidence,  all  were  at  once  placed  where  they  belonged, 
on  the  inner  side  of  the  prison  fence. 

A  post-office  was  connected  with  the  camp,  and  this  next 
received  the  commandant's  attention.  Everything  con- 
nected with  it  seemed  to  be  entirely  regular.  A  vast 
number  of  letters  came  and  went;  but  they  all  passed 
unsealed,  and  appeared  to  convey  nothing  contraband. 
However,  many  of  them  were  short  epistles  on  long 
pieces  of  paper,  a  curious  circumstance  among  corre- 
spondents with  whom  stationery  was  scarce  and  green- 
backs were  not  overplenty.  One  hot  day  in  June  the 
commandant  builded  a  fire,  and  gave  some  of  the  letters 
a  warming;  when  lo!  presto!  prestissimo!  the  white 
spaces  broke  out  into  dark  lines,  breathing  thoughts 
blacker  than  the  fluid  that  wrote  them,  revealing  the  fact 
that  the  prisoners  were  in  constant  communication  with 
outside  friends,  and  expected  to  join  in  a  grand  celebration 
on  the  coming  Fourth  of  July,  when  they  would  burn  an 
"  all-fired  sight  of  powder,"  and  "  go  up  like  a  rocket," 
if  they  did  have  to  come  down  like  a  stick. 

The  commandant  called  to  mind  that  the  National 
Convention  of  the  Peace  party  was  to  assemble  at  Chicago 
on  the  Fourth  of  July ;  that  a  vast  concourse  of  people 
would  come  together  on  the  occasion,  and  that,  in  so 
great  a  throng,  it  would  be  easy  for  the  "  clans  to  gather," 
attack  the  camp,  and  liberate  the  prisoners.  He  acted 
promptly.  Instantly  Prison  Square  received  a  fresh 


THE  GREAT  CONSPIRACY.  305 

instalment  of  prisoners,  genuine  "  Butternuts,"  but  loyal 
men,  who  fraternized  with  the  Confederates,  and  soon 
learned  that  the  commandant's  suspicions  were  well 
founded.  The  prisoners  were  to  salute  the  old  flag  on 
Independence  Day,  but  not  with  blank  cartridges. 

But  the  loyal  Butternuts  failed  to  discern  who  were 
to  join  in  the  outside  celebration,  and  the  commandant 
set  his  own  wits  to  working.  Soon  he  heard  of  the 
"  Society  of  the  Dlini,"  whose  object,  as  set  forth  by  its 
constitution,  was  "  the  more  perfect  development  of  the 
literary,  scientific,  moral,  physical,  and  social  welfare  of 
the  '  conservative  citizens '  of  Chicago."  The  command- 
ant knew  a  "conservative  citizen"  whose  development 
was  not  altogether  perfect;  him  he  induced  to  join  the 
organization,  and  he  was  soon  deep  in  the  outer  secrets 
of  the  order.  He  could  not  penetrate  its  inner  mysteries, 
but  he  learned  that  the  Society  numbered  some  thousands 
of  members,  all  fully  armed  and  impatiently  waiting  the 
signal  for  an  attack  on  Camp  Douglas. 

However,  the  assembling  of  the  Chicago  Conven- 
tion was  postponed  to  the  29th  of  August,  and  the 
Fourth  of  July  passed  away  without  extraordinary  fire- 
works. 

But  the  commandant  did  not  go  to  sleep.  He  still 
kept  his  wits  a-working;  the  loyal  Butternuts  still  ate 
prisoners'  rations;  and  the  red  flame  still  brought  out 
black  thoughts  on  the  white  letter  paper.  Quietly  the 
garrison  was  reinforced ;  quietly  increased  vigilance  was 
enjoined  upon  the  sentinels;  and  the  tranquil,  assured 
bearing  of  the  commandant  told  no  one  that  he  was 
playing  with  hot  coals  on  a  barrel  of  gunpowder. 

So  July  rolled  away  into  August,  and  the  commandant 
gave  his  views  of  the  state  of  things  to  his  commanding 


306  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

general.  This  letter  came  into  my  hands,  and  its  contents 
stated  as  facts,  that  five  thousand  armed  traitors  were  then 
domiciled  in  Chicago;  that  they  expected  to  be  soon 
joined  by  a  considerable  body  of  Confederates  from  Can- 
ada; that  the  object  of  the  combination  was  the  release 
of  the  prisoners  at  Camp  Douglas,  and  that  success  in 
that  enterprise  would  be  the  signal  for  a  general  uprising 
of  the  disloyal  elements  throughout  Indiana  and  Illinois, 
—  all  this  information  being  the  result  of  two  months' 
persistent  burrowing  in  the  dark! 

At  last  the  loyal  Democrats  came  together  to  the  great 
Peace  Convention,  and  with  them  came  Satan  also.  Bands 
of  ill-favored  men  in  bushy  hair,  bad  whiskey,  and  seedy 
homespun  staggered  from  the  railway  stations  and  hung 
about  the  street  corners.  A  reader  of  Dante  might  have 
taken  them  for  delegates  from  the  lower  regions,  had  not 
their  clothing  been  plainly  perishable,  while  devils  are  sup- 
posed to  wear  indestructible  raiment.  They  had  come,  they 
announced,  to  make  a  Peace  President,  but  they  brandished 
bowie-knives  and  bellowed  for  war  even  in  the  sacred  pre- 
cincts of  the  Peace  Convention.  But,  war  or  peace,  the 
commandant  was  prepared  for  it. 

For  days  reinforcements  had  poured  into  Camp  Douglas 
until  it  actually  bristled  with  bayonets.  On  every  side  it 
was  guarded  with  cannon,  and  day  and  night  mounted  men 
patrolled  the  avenues  to  give  warning  of  the  first  hostile 
gathering.  But  there  was  no  gathering.  The  conspirators 
were  there,  three  thousand  strong,  with  five  thousand  Illini 
to  back  them.  From  every  point  of  the  compass  —  from 
Canada,  Missouri,  Southern  Illinois,  Ohio,  Indiana,  New 
York,  and  even  loyal  Vermont  —  red-handed  men  had 
come  to  give  the  Peace  candidate  a  bloody  baptism.  Not 
long  afterwards  one  of  the  leaders,  whom  I  met  as  a  pris- 


THE  GEEAT  CONSPIRACY.  307 

oner  in  Camp  Douglas,  said  to  me,  "  We  had  spies  in  every 
public  place,  —  in  the  telegraph  office,  the  camp  itself,  and 
even  close  by  the  commandant's  headquarters,  and  knew 
every  hour  all  that  was  passing.  From  the  observatory, 
opposite  the  camp,  I  myself  saw  the  arrangements  for  our 
reception.  We  outnumbered  you  two  to  one,  but  our  force 
was  badly  disciplined.  Success  in  such  circumstances  was 
impossible;  and  on  the  third  day  of  the  Convention  we 
announced  from  headquarters  that  an  attack  at  that 
time  was  impracticable.  It  would  have  cost  the  lives  of 
hundreds  of  the  prisoners,  and,  perhaps,  the  capture  or 
destruction  of  the  whole  of  us." 

Thus  the  storm  blew  over,  without  leaden  rain,  and  its 
usual  accompaniment  of  lightning  and  thunder. 

A  dead  calm  followed,  during  which  the  lUini  slunk  back 
to  their  holes ;  the  prisoners  took  to  honest  ink ;  the  loyal 
Butternuts  walked  the  streets  clad  like  Christians,  and 
the  commandant  went  to  sleep  with  only  one  eye  open. 
Thus  the  world  rolled  round  into  November. 

The  presidential  election  was  near  at  hand,  the  great 
contest  on  which  hung  the  fate  of  the  Republic.  The  com- 
mandant was  convinced  of  this,  and  desired  to  marshal  his 
old  constituents  for  the  final  struggle  between  Union  and 
Disunion.  He  obtained  a  furlough  to  go  to  his  Wisconsin 
home  and  mount  the  "  stump "  for  President  Lincoln. 
He  was  about  to  set  out,  his  private  secretary  was  ready, 
and  the  carriage  waiting  at  the  gateway,  when  an  inde- 
finable feeling  took  possession  of  him,  holding  him  back 
with  a  presentiment  of  coming  danger.  It  would  not  be 
shaken  off,  and  reluctantly  he  postponed  his  journey  until 
the  morrow.  Before  the  morrow  facts  were  developed 
which  made  his  presence  in  Chicago  essential  to  the  safety 
of  the  city  and  the  lives  of  its  citizens.  The  scotched  snake 


308  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

had  come  to  vigorous  life,  and  was  preparing  for  another 
and  a  deadlier  spring. 

It  was  not  long  before  a  St.  Louis  detective,  professedly 
a  Secessionist,  but  secretly  in  the  service  of  the  Govern- 
ment, called  at  his  office,  requesting  a  private  interview. 
The  detective  informed  him  that  he  had  just  met,  in  hiding 
in  Chicago,  Colonel  Marmaduke,  of  St.  Louis,  a  brother 
of  General  Marmaduke,  and  a  son  of  a  former  governor  of 
Missouri,  who  had  told  him  that  he,  and  several  other  Con- 
federate officers,  were  then  in  Chicago  to  cooperate  with 
other  persons  in  releasing  the  prisoners  of  Camp  Douglas 
and  other  prisons,  and  in  inaugurating  a  rebellion  at  the 
North.  The  movement,  he  said,  was  under  the  auspices 
of  the  American  Knights  (to  which  order  the  Society  of 
the  Illini  belonged),  and  was  to  begin  operations  by  an 
attack  on  Camp  Douglas  on  election  night. 

The  detective,  as  he  related  this  interview  to  me,  said, 
"  The  young  man  rested  his  head  upon  his  hand,  and  looked 
as  if  he  had  lost  his  mother."  And  well  he  might !  For, 
lulled  into  a  false  security,  he  had  allowed  himself  to  be 
stripped  of  his  reinforcements,  and  again  had  but  eight 
hundred  men  in  garrison  to  resist  the  attack  which  had 
been  so  long  in  preparation.  Only  seventy  hours  were  left 
to  him !  What  would  he  not  give  for  twice  that  number  ? 
In  that  time  he  might  secure  additional  troops.  The  de- 
tective left  him  pacing  the  floor,  his  face  pale,  but  his 
manner  cool  and  collected,  as  if  he  were  gathering  together 
all  his  resources  for  what  was  to  be  the  great  crisis  of  his 
life.  He  was  still  pacing  the  floor  when,  two  hours  later, 
a  stranger  was  ushered  into  his  private  office.  From  the 
lips  and  pen  of  this  stranger  I  had  what  followed,  and 
I  think  it  may  be  relied  on. 

He  was  a  slim,  light-haired  young  man,  of  apparently 


THE  GREAT  CONSPIRACY.  309 

twenty -seven  or  twenty  -  eight  years,  with  fine,  regular 
features,  and  the  indefinable  air  that  denotes  good 
breeding.  Recognizing  the  commandant  by  the  eagle 
upon  his  shoulder,  he  said,  "  Can  I  see  you  alone, 
sir?" 

"  Certainly,"  answered  the  Union  officer,  motioning  to 
his  secretary  to  leave  the  room.  As  the  door  closed  the 
other  said  :  "  My  name  is  Langhorn,  Maurice  Langhorn,  of 
Kentucky.  I  am  a  colonel  in  the  Rebel  army,  and  have 
put  my  life  into  your  hands  to  warn  you  of  the  most  hellish 
plot  in  history." 

"  Your  life  is  safe,  sir,"  replied  the  commandant,  "  if 
your  visit  is  an  honest  one ;  I  shall  be  glad  to  hear  what 
you  have  to  say.  Be  seated." 

The  Confederate  officer  took  the  proffered  chair,  and  sat 
there  till  the  small  hours  of  the  morning.  In  the  limits  of 
a  single  chapter  I  cannot  attempt  to  recount  all  that  passed 
between  them.  My  interview  with  the  Confederate  officer 
on  this  subject  lasted  five  hours,  and  the  statement  of  it, 
which  he  subsequently  wrote  out  for  me,  occupies  fourteen 
pages  of  closely  written  foolscap.  That  statement  is  now 
in  the  historical  library  of  the  Johns  Hopkins  University, 
at  Baltimore,  and  may  be  seen  by  any  one  who  makes  the 
proper  application. 

Colonel  Langhorn  began  by  saying  that,  sixty  days  pre- 
viously, he  had  left  Richmond  with  verbal  despatches  from 
the  Confederate  Secretary  of  War,  to  Jacob  Thompson,  the 
director  of  the  disloyal  operations  in  Canada.  These  des- 
patches had  relation  to  a  vast  plot  designed  to  wrap  the 
West  in  flames,  to  sever  it  from  the  East,  and  so  secure 
the  independence  of  the  South.  The  plot  had  been  con- 
cocted months  before  at  Richmond,  and  in  the  previous 
May  Jacob  Thompson,  supplied  with  two  hundred  and  fifty 


310  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

thousand  dollars  in  sterling  exchange,  had  been  sent  to 
Canada  to  superintend  its  execution.  This  money  was 
lodged  in  a  bank  at  Montreal,  and  had  furnished  the  funds 
which  had  already  fitted  out  the  abortive  expeditions  against 
Johnson's  Island  and  Camp  Douglas.  The  plot  embraced 
the  order  of  American  Knights,  which  was  spread  all 
over  the  West,  and  numbered  five  hundred  thousand  men, 
three  hundred  and  fifty  thousand  of  whom  were  armed. 
A  force  of  twelve  hundred  Canadian  refugees  and  bush- 
whackers from  Southern  Illinois  and  Missouri  was  to 
attack  Camp  Douglas  on  Tuesday  night,  the  8th  of  Novem- 
ber, liberate  and  arm  the  prisoners,  and  sack  the  city  of 
Chicago.  This  was  to  be  the  signal  for  a  general  uprising 
throughout  the  West,  and  for  a  simultaneous  advance  by 
Hood  upon  Nashville,  by  Buckner  upon  Louisville,  and 
Price  upon  St.  Louis.  Vallandigham  was  to  lead  the 
movement  in  Ohio,  Bowles  in  Indiana,  and  Walsh  in 
Illinois.  The  forces  were  to  rendezvous  at  Dayton  and 
Cincinnati  in  Ohio,  at  New  Albany  and  Indianapolis  in 
Indiana,  and  at  Rock  Island,  Chicago,  and  Springfield  in 
Illinois,  and  those  gathered  at  the  last-named  place,  after 
seizing  the  arsenal,  were  to  march  to  the  aid  of  Price  in 
taking  St.  Louis.  Prominent  Union  men  and  officers  were 
to  be  seized,  placed  in  irons,  and  sent  South,  and  the  more 
obnoxious  of  them  were  to  be  assassinated.  All  cities 
captured  were  to  be  sacked  and  burned,  and  a  band  of  a 
hundred  desperate  men  had  been  organized  to  burn  the 
larger  Northern  cities,  which  were  not  included  in  the  field 
of  active  operations.  Two  hundred  Confederate  officers, 
who  were  to  conduct  the  military  movements,  had  been  in 
Canada,  but  were  then  stationed  throughout  the  West,  at 
the  various  points  to  be  attacked,  waiting  the  outbreak 
at  Chicago.  Captain  Hines,  who  had  been  second  in  com- 


THE  GEE  AT  CONSPIRACY.  311 

mand  to  John  Morgan,  and  had  won  the  confidence  of 
Jacob  Thompson  by  his  successful  management  of  the 
escape  of  the  famous  partisan  leader  from  the  Ohio  peni- 
tentiary, had  control  of  the  initial  movement  against  Camp 
Douglas ;  but  Colonel  Grenfell,  —  a  brother  of  the  noted 
major-general  of  the  British  army,  —  assisted  by  Colonel 
Marmaduke,  of  Missouri,  and  other  able  Confederate 
officers,  was  to  manage  the  military  part  of  the  operations 
in  Chicago.  All  these  officers  were  at  that  moment  in  the 
city,  waiting  the  arrival  of  the  men,  who  were  to  come  in 
small  squads,  over  various  railroads,  during  the  following 
three  days. 

Colonel  Langhorn  had  known  of  the  plot  for  months, 
but  its  atrocious  details  of  burning  and  assassination  had 
come  to  his  knowledge  only  within  a  fortnight.  They  had 
appalled  him ;  and  though  he  was  betraying  his  friends  and 
the  South  that  he  loved,  the  humanity  in  him  would  not 
let  him  rest  till  he  had  washed  his  hands  of  the  horrible 
iniquity. 

The  commandant  listened  with  nervous  interest  to  the 
whole  of  this  recital ;  but  when  the  Southern  officer  uttered 
this  last  remark  he  almost  groaned  out,  "  Why  did  you  not 
come  to  me  before  ?  " 

The  answer  was,  "  I  could  not ;  I  gave  Thompson  my 
opinion  of  this  diabolical  thing,  and  have  been  watched. 
I  feel  sure  they  have  tracked  me  here.  My  life  on  your 
streets  to-night  would  not  be  worth  an  ounce  of  powder." 

"  That  is  no  doubt  true,"  said  the  commandant ;  "  but 
what  must  be  done  ?  " 

"  Arrest  the  Butternuts  as  they  come  into  Chicago," 
replied  the  Kentuckian. 

"  That  I  can  do,"  responded  the  commandant ;  "  but  the 
leaders  are  here;  I  must  have  them, — do  you  know  them  ?" 


312  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

"I  do ;  but  not  where  they  are  quartered,"  was  the 
answer. 

At  two  o'clock  the  commandant  showed  Colonel  Lang- 
horn  to  a  bed,  but  went  back  himself,  and  paced  the  floor 
till  sunrise.  In  the  morning  his  plan  was  formed.  It 
was  a  desperate  plan ;  but  desperate  circumstances  require 
desperate  expedients. 

In  the  prison  was  a  young  officer  of  the  Texan  rangers, 
who  had  been  a  member  of  Bragg's  staff,  but  had  resigned 
from  it  to  take  service  as  a  private  under  John  Morgan, 
and  had  been  captured  on  his  unfortunate  expedition  into 
Ohio.  He  was,  therefore,  well  acquainted  with  Hines,  Gren- 
fell,  and  the  other  Confederate  officers  then  in  Chicago.  He 
was  a  believer  in  the  doctrine  of  States'  Rights,  but  was  an 
honest  man,  who,  when  his  word  had  been  given,  could  be 
fully  trusted.  One  glance  at  his  open,  resolute  face  showed 
that  he  feared  nothing ;  that  he  had,  too,  the  rare  courage 
which  delights  in  danger,  and  courts  heroic  enterprise  from 
pure  love  of  peril.  Moreover,  he  was  a  cultivated  man,  of 
prepossessing  appearance  and  winning  address,  which,  with 
his  frank,  outspoken  character,  had  so  won  upon  the  pre- 
vious commandant  of  the  prison  that  he  made  him  chief 
clerk  in  the  medical  department,  where  his  reports,  written 
in  a  hand  that  might  pass  for  copper-plate  engraving,  were 
the  admiration  of  all  beholders. 

It  was  the  custom  at  that  period  to  allow  citizens  free 
access  to  the  camp,  and  among  the  many  good  men  and 
women  who  came  to  visit  and  befriend  the  prisoners  was  a 
young  lady,  the  daughter  of  a  well-known  resident  of 
Chicago.  She  met  the  Texan,  and  a  result  as  natural  as 
the  union  of  hydrogen  and  oxygen  followed.  But  since 
Adam  fell  in  love  with  Eve,  who  ever  heard  of  courting 
going  on  in  a  prison  ?  It  is  not  exactly  the  thing,  thought 


THE  GREAT  CONSPIRACY.  313 

the  commandant,  and  he  said  to  the  Texan,  "  Had  you  not 
better  pay  your  addresses  to  the  lady  at  her  father's  house, 
like  a  gentleman  ?  " 

A  guard  accompanied  the  prisoner  on  his  wooing  expedi- 
tions, but  it  was  surmised  that  he  remained  outside,  or 
bestowed  his  attentions  upon  the  girls  in  the  kitchen. 

This  was  the  state  of  things  when  the  commandant  of 
whom  I  am  writing  —  Colonel  Benjamin  J.  Sweet,  of  the 
21st  Wisconsin  Volunteers  —  took  charge  of  Camp  Douglas. 
He  learned  the  facts,  scanned  the  Texan's  face,  and  called 
to  mind  that  he,  himself,  once  went  a-courting.  As  he 
paced  his  room  that  Friday  night  he  bethought  him  of  the 
Texan.  Did  he  love  his  State  better  than  he  loved  his 
affianced  wife?  The  commandant  resolved  to  test  him, 
and  with  the  first  streak  of  day  he  sent  for  him.  He 
opened  to  him  the  whole  atrocious  plan,  laying  stress  upon 
its  features  of  burning  and  assassination.  Then  he  said, 
"  I  can  attend  to  the  rank  and  file,  but  I  want  your  help  to 
ferret  out  and  apprehend  the  leaders." 

The  Texan  had  listened  with  undisguised  horror  to  the 
bloody  details  of  the  conspiracy;  now  he  looked  into 
the  eyes  of  the  commandant,  and  said,  slowly  :  "  But  I 
shall  betray  my  friends  !  Can  I  do  that  in  honor  ?  " 

"  Did  you  ask  that  question  when  you  betrayed  your 
country?"  answered  the  commandant. 

"  Let  me  go  from  camp  for  an  hour,"  said  the  Texan ; 
"  then  I  will  give  you  my  decision." 

"  Very  well,"  replied  Colonel  Sweet ;  and  unattended  by 
a  guard,  the  prisoner  left  the  prison. 

I  did  not  question  the  Texan  as  to  what  passed  between 
him  and  his  affianced  during  that  hour,  for  all  such  things 
are  sacred ;  but  he  told  me  that  her  last  words  to  him  were, 
*'  Do  your  duty.  Blot  out  your  record  of  treason." 


314  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

On  his  return  to  the  camp,  the  Texan  merely  said  to 
the  commandant,  "  I  will  do  it,"  and  then  the  details 
of  the  plan  were  talked  over  between  them.  He  was 
to  escape  from  the  prison,  so  as  to  give  the  Confeder- 
ate leaders  no  suspicion  of  the  part  he  was  playing,  and 
also  to  thus  win  the  confidence  of  their  friends,  so  they 
would  disclose  to  him  their  hiding-places.  How  to  manage 
the  escape  puzzled  the  Texan,  but  the  commandant  had  a 
brain  fertile  in  expedients,  and  equal  to  any  emergency. 
An  adopted  citizen  in  the  scavenger  line  made  daily  visits 
to  the  camp  in  the  way  of  his  business,  and  him  the  com- 
mandant sent  for,  and  told  that  he  must  help  the  Texan 
to  get  out  of  the  prison. 

"Arrah,  yer  Honor,"  said  the  old  Irishman,  "I  hain't 
a  tr-raitor.  Bless  your  beautiful  sowl !  I  love  the  country ; 
and,  besides,  it  might  damage  me  good  name,  and  me  purty 
profession." 

He  was  assured  that  his  name  would  be  all  the  more 
honorable  if  he  should  fare  for  a  few  weeks  on  prison 
rations  ;  and  then  he  assented  to  his  part  of  the  programme. 
Half  an  hour  before  sunset  he  came  into  the  camp  with  his 
wagon.  He  filled  it  with  dry  bones,  broken  bottles,  de- 
cayed food,  and  the  rubbish  of  the  prison  ;  and  down  under- 
neath he  stowed  away  the  Texan.  A  hundred  prisoners 
crowded  around  to  shut  off  the  gaze  of  the  guard ;  but  out- 
side the  prison  fence  was  the  real  danger.  There  he  had 
to  pass  two  gates,  and  run  the  gauntlet  of  half  a  dozen 
sentinels.  His  wagon  was  fuller  than  usual,  and  the  late 
hour  —  it  was  now  after  sunset  —  would  of  itself  excite 
suspicion.  It  might  test  the  pluck  of  a  braver  man,  for  the 
bayonets  of  the  sentries  were  fixed,  and  their  guns  at 
the  half  trigger.  But  he  reached  the  outer  gate  in  safety. 
Now  Saint  Patrick  must  help  him,  for  he  will  need  all  the 


THE  GREAT  CONSPIRACY.  315 

impudence  of  an  Irishman.  The  gate  was  rolled  back; 
the  commandant  stood  nervously  by ;  but  the  sentry  cried 
out,  "You  can't  pass;  it's  agin  orders.  No  wagons  kin 
go  out  arter  drum-beat." 

"  Arrah,  don't  ye  be  a  fool,  —  don't  be  after  obstructing 
an  honest  man's  business,"  answered  the  Irishman,  pushing 
on  into  the  gateway. 

The  sentinel  was  vigilant,  for  the  commandant's  eye 
was  on  him.  "  Halt,"  he  cried,  "  or  I'll  fire." 

"  Fire !  Waste  yer  powder  on  yer  friends,  like  the 
bloody-minded  spalpeen  that  ye  are,"  said  the  scavenger, 
cracking  his  whip  and  moving  forward.  It  was  well  that 
he  did  not  look  back.  Had  he  done  so,  he  might  have  been 
melted  to  his  own  soap-grease,  for  the  sentry's  musket  was 
levelled,  and  he  was  about  to  fire,  —  but  the  commandant 
roared  out,  "  Don't  shoot !  "  and  the  old  man  and  the  old 
horse  trotted  off  into  the  twilight. 

Not  fifteen  minutes  later  two  men  in  slouched  hats  and 
seedy  butternuts  emerged  from  the  commandant's  quarters. 
With  muffled  faces,  and  hasty  strides,  they  made  their  way 
over  the  dimly  lighted  road  into  the  city.  Pausing  after 
awhile  before  a  large  mansion,  they  crouched  down  among 
the  shadows.  It  was  the  home  of  the  Grand  Treasurer 
of  the  order  of  American  Knights,  and  into  it  very  soon 
they  saw  the  Texan  enter.  The  good  man  knew  him  well, 
and  over  his  escape  he  greatly  rejoiced.  He  ordered  up  for 
him  the  fatted  calf,  and  soon  it  was  on  the  table,  steaming 
hot,  and  done  brown  in  the  roasting.  When  the  repast 
was  over  they  discussed  together  a  bottle  of  champagne 
and  the  situation.  The  custodian  of  Confederate  funds 
said  the  Texan  must  not  remain  in  Chicago,  for  there  he 
would  of  a  certainty  be  discovered.  He  must  be  off  to 
Cincinnati  by  the  first  train,  and  he  would  arrive  there  in 


316  PERSONAL   RECOLLECTIONS. 

the  nick  of  time,  for  warm  work  was  daily  expected.  Had 
he  any  money  about  him  ? 

No ;  the  Texan  had  left  it  behind,  with  his  Sunday 
clothes,  in  the  prison. 

Well,  he  must  have  funds ;  but  the  worthy  gentleman 
could  give  him  none,  for  he  was  a  loyal  man  ;  of  course  he 
was,  for  was  he  not  the  "  people's  "  candidate  for  governor 
of  Illinois  ?  But  it  was  never  known  that  a  woman  was 
hanged  for  treason.  With  this  the  worthy  Treasurer  nodded 
to  his  wife,  who  opened  her  purse  and  tossed  the  Texan  a 
roll  of  greenbacks.  As  she  did  so,  the  good  man  said: 
"  The  Cincinnati  train  does  not  leave  till  midnight.  Mean- 
while, you  will  have  time  to  see  Hines  and  Grenfell,  —  they 
are  at  the  Richmond  House." 

At  the  end  of  an  hour  "  good  night "  was  said,  and  the 
Texan  went  out  to  find  the  leaders  of  the  conspiracy. 
Down  the  dimly  lighted  street  he  hurried,  the  long,  dark 
shadows  following  close  at  his  heels. 

He  entered  the  private  door  of  the  Richmond  House, 
spoke  a  magic  word,  and  was  conducted  to  a  room  in  the 
upper  story.  Three  low,  prolonged  raps  on  the  wall,  and 
he  was  among  them.  They  were  seated  around  a  small 
table,  on  which  was  a  plan  of  the  prison  enclosure.  One 
was  about  forty-five,  —  a  tall,  thin  man,  with  a  wiry  frame, 
a  jovial  face,  and  eyes  which  had  the  wild,  roving  look 
of  the  Arabs.  He  was  dressed  after  the  fashion  of  an 
English  sportsman,  and  his  dog  —  a  fine  gray  bloodhound 
—  was  stretched  on  the  hearth-rug  near  him.  He  looked  a 
reckless,  desperate  character,  and  had  an  adventurous 
history. l  In  battle  he  was  said  to  be  a  thunderbolt,  light- 
ning harnessed,  and  inspired  with  the  will  of  a  devil.  He 
was  just  the  character  to  lead  the  dark,  desperate  en- 

1  See  Fremantle's  "  Three  Months  in  the  Southern  States,"  page  148. 


THE  GEE  AT  CONSPIRACY.  317 

terprise  on  which  they  had  entered.  It  was  St.  Leger 
Grenfell. 

At  his  right  sat  another  tall,  erect  man  of  about  thirty, 
with  large,  prominent  eyes,  and  thin,  black  hair  and  mus- 
tache. He  was  of  dark  complexion,  had  a  sharp,  thin  nose, 
a  small,  close  mouth,  a  coarse,  high  voice,  and  a  quick, 
somewhat  boisterous  manner.  His  face  bore  traces  of 
dissipation,  and  his  dress  betokened  the  dandy;  but  his 
deep,  clear  eye,  and  pale,  wrinkled  forehead  denoted  a  cool, 
crafty  intellect.1  This  was  the  noted  Captain  Hines,  the 
right-hand  man  of  John  Morgan,  and  the  soul  and  brains 
of  the  Chicago  enterprise.  The  others  were  the  meaner 
sort  of  villains.  I  do  not  know  how  they  looked,  and  if  I 
did  know,  they  would  not  be  worth  describing. 

Hines  and  Grenfell  sprang  to  their  feet,  and  grasped  the 
hands  of  the  Texan.  He  was  a  godsend,  —  sent  to  take 
the  post  of  honor  and  of  danger ;  to  lead  the  attack  on  the 
front  gateway  of  the  prison.  So  they  said  with  great  oaths 
as  they  sat  down,  spread  out  the  map,  and  explained  to 
him  the  plan  of  operations,  which  to  all  human  appearance 
would  have  been  successful,  had  they  been  allowed  to  put  it 
into  execution. 

Two  hundred  Confederate  refugees  from  Canada,  and  a 
hundred  Butternuts  from  Fayette  and  Christian  Coun- 
ties, they  said,  had  already  arrived ;  many  more  from  Ken- 
tucky and  Missouri  were  coming;  and  by  Tuesday  they 
expected  that  a  thousand  or  twelve  hundred  desperate 
men,  armed  to  the  teeth,  would  be  in  Chicago.  Taking 
advantage  of  the  excitement  of  election  night,  they  pro- 
posed with  this  force  to  attack  the  camp  and  prison.  The 
force  would  be  divided  into  five  parties.  One  squad,  under 
Grenfell,  would  be  held  in  reserve  a  few  hundred  yards 

i  Detective's  description. 


318  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

from  the  main  body,  and  would  guard  the  large  number  of 
guns  already  provided  to  arm  the  prisoners.  Another — com- 
mand of  which  they  offered  the  Texan  —  would  assault  the 
front  gateway,  and  engage  the  attention  of  the  eight  hun- 
dred veteran  reserves  quartered  in  Garrison  Square.  The 
work  of  this  squad  would  be  dangerous,  for  it  would  en- 
counter a  force  four  times  its  strength,  well  armed  and 
supplied  with  artillery;  but  it  would  be  speedily  relieved 
by  the  other  divisions.  Those  under  Colonel  Marmaduke 
and  Robert  Anderson,  of  Kentucky,  and  Brigadier-General 
Charles  Walsh,  of  Chicago,  Commander  of  the  American 
Knights,  would  simultaneously  assail  three  sides  of  Prison 
Square,  break  down  the  prison  fence,  liberate  the  prisoners, 
and,  taking  the  garrison  in  the  rear,  compel  a  general  sur- 
render. This  accomplished,  small  parties  would  be  des- 
patched to  cut  the  telegraph  wires  and  hold  the  railway 
stations,  and  then  the  whole  body  would  march  into  the 
city,  and  rendezvous  in  Court  Square. 

The  insurgents  having  then  been  reinforced  by  the  five 
thousand  Illmi,  and  provided  with  the  arms  of  the  city  — 
six  brass  field-pieces  —  and  the  arms  and  ammunition  stored 
in  private  warehouses,  would  begin  the  work  of  destruction. 
The  banks  would  be  robbed,  the  stores  gutted,  the  houses 
of  loyal  men  plundered  ;  the  railroad  stations,  grain  eleva- 
tors, and  all  public  buildings  would  be  set  on  fire,  and 
the  city  itself  burned  to  the  ground.  To  facilitate  this, 
the  water  plugs  had  been  already  marked,  and  a  force  de- 
tailed to  set  the  water  running.  In  brief,  the  war  would 
be  brought  home  to  the  North ;  Chicago  would  be  treated 
like  a  place  taken  by  assault,  and  given  over  to  the  torch, 
the  sword,  and  the  brutal  lust  of  a  drunken  soldiery.  On 
it  would  be  wreaked  all  the  havoc,  the  desolation,  and  the 
agony  which  three  and  a  half  years  of  most  bloody  and  dis- 


THE  GREAT  CONSPIRACY.  319 

astrous  war  had  heaped  upon  the  South,  and  its  up-going 
flames  would  be  the  torch  that  should  light  a  score  of  other 
Northern  cities  to  a  like  destruction. 

It  was  a  diabolical  plan,  conceived  far  down  amid  the 
thick  darkness,  and  brought  up  by  the  archfiend  himself, 
who,  doubtless,  sat  there  in  that  grim  circle,  toying  with 
the  hideous  thing,  and  with  his  cloven  foot  beating  a 
merry  tattoo  on  a  death's  head  and  cross-bones,  under  the 
table. 

As  he  concluded,  Hines  turned  to  the  Texan,  and  said : 
"Well,  my  boy,  there  will  be,  for  awhile,  eight  hundred 
against  your  two  hundred.  What  do  you  say  ?  Will  you 
take  the  post  of  honor  and  of  danger  ?  " 

The  Texan  drew  a  long  breath,  then  through  his  barred 
teeth  he  blurted  out,  "  I  will." 

On  those  two  words  hung  thousands  of  lives,  and  millions 
upon  millions  of  property. 

Soon  Hines  and  another  man  announced  that  their  time 
was  about  up.  "  Fielding  and  I,"  said  Hines,  "  never  stay 
in  this  d — d  town  after  midnight.  You  are  fools  or  you 
wouldn't." 

Suddenly,  as  these  words  were  uttered,  a  slouched  hat, 
listening  at  the  key-hole,  sprang  up,  moved  softly  through 
the  hall,  and  stole  down  the  stairway.  Half  an  hour  later 
the  Texan  opened  the  private  door  of  the  Richmond  House, 
looked  cautiously  about  for  a  few  moments,  and  then 
stalked  away  towards  the  heart  of  the  city. 

The  moon  was  down,  the  street-lamps  burned  dimly,  but 
after  him  glided  the  shadows. 

In  a  room  at  the  Tremont  House,  at  this  late  hour,  the 
commandant  was  pacing  the  floor,  as  was  his  habit,  when 
the  door  opened  and  a  man  entered.  The  man's  face  was 
flushed,  his  teeth  were  clenched,  his  eyes  were  flashing. 


320  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

He  was  stirred  to  the  depths  of  his  being.  Could  he  be 
the  self-contained  Texan  ? 

"  What  is  the  matter  ?  "  asked  the  commandant. 

The  other  sat  down,  and  in  an  abstracted  way,  as  if  talk- 
ing to  himself,  he  recounted  the  whole  of  that  diabolical 
interview,  which  had  swept  away  for  him  the  fallacies  of  a 
lifetime.  In  conclusion  he  said,  "  Hitherto,  this  night,  I 
have  acted  from  love  for  a  pure  and  true  woman,  but  now, 
sir,  I  see  that  it .  is  my  duty  to  humanity  to  balk  this 
most  hellish  plot  of  the  century." 

The  first  gray  of  the  morning  was  streaking  the  east, 
when  he  went  forth  to  find  a  hiding-place.  The  sun  was 
not  up,  and  the  dawning  light  came  dimly  through  the 
misty  clouds,  but  after  him  still  glided  the  long  dark 
shadows. 

Meanwhile,  the  escape  of  the  Texan  had  been  reported 
to  the  commandant  by  Captain  Wells  Sponable,  the  inspec- 
tor of  the  prison.  "  Make  a  thorough  search,"  said  the 
commandant,  "a  great  hue  and  cry,  and  ransack  the 
house  of  every  rebel  sympathizer  in  Chicago,  but  let  not  a 
man  go  near  the  home  of  the  lady  to  whom  Shanks  is 
affianced." 

Sponable  took  the  hint,  and  made  a  search  of  exceeding 
thoroughness.  Hand-bills  were  gotten  out,  a  reward  was 
offered,  and  by  that  Sunday  noon  the  name  of  the  Texan 
was  on  every  street  corner.  Squads  of  soldiers  and  police 
invaded  every  disloyal  asylum.  Strange  things  were  brought 
to  light,  —  arms  enough  to  equip  half  a  dozen  regiments,  — 
and  strange  gentry  were  dragged  out  of  dark  closets ;  but 
nowhere  was  found  the  Texan,  for  he  was  safely  housed  in 
the  dwelling  of  his  affianced,  who  was  preparing  for  him 
such  a  disguise  as  soon  would  deceive  the  commandant 
himself. 


THE  GEE  AT  CONSPIRACY.  321 

Just  at  dark,  a  person  giving  his  name  as  Burlingham 
called  at  the  private  entrance  of  the  Tremont  House,  and 
asked  for  Colonel  Sweet,  of  Camp  Douglas.  He  was  shown 
to  his  room,  the  usher  wondering  what  the  commandant 
could  have  to  do  with  such  a  dandy.  He  sported  a  light 
rattan,  wore  a  stove-pipe  hat,  a  Sunday  suit,  and  was  shaven 
and  shorn  of  every  hirsute  adornment.  The  commandant 
scanned  him  from  head  to  foot,  and  said,  impatient  at  the 
interruption,  "  What  can  I  do  for  you,  sir  ?  " 

The  Texan  sank  into  a  chair,  laughing  heartily  and 
saying,  "I  see  you  do  not  know  me." 

The  commandant  did  not  so  much  as  smile ;  he  merely 
said,  "  You  are  well  disguised ;  but  tell  me  how  goes  it  ?  " 

The  Texan  answered  that  the  plot  thickened.  More 
Butternuts  had  arrived,  and  the  blow  would  be  struck  on 
Tuesday  night,  certain.  He  had  seen  his  men,  —  two  hun- 
dred picked,  and  every  one  of  them  clamoring  for  pickings. 
Hines,  who  carried  the  bag,  was  to  give  him  ten  thousand 
greenbacks,  to  stop  their  mouths  and  stuff  their  pockets, 
at  nine  o'clock  the  next  morning. 

"  And  to-morrow  night  we  will  have  them  sure !  And 
how  say  you,  —  shall  I  give  you  shackles  and  a  dungeon  ?  " 
asked  the  commandant,  his  mouth  wreathing  with  grim 
wrinkles. 

"  Anything  you  like,"  answered  the  Texan ;  "  anything  to 
blot  out  my  record  of  treason." 

The  Texan  gone,  up  and  down  the  room  went  the  com- 
mandant as  was  his  fashion.  He  was  playing  a  desperate 
game.  The  stake  was  awful.  He  held  the  ace  of  trumps,  — 
but  should  he  risk  the  game  upon  it  ?  At  half  past  eight 
he  sat  down  and  wrote  a  despatch  to  his  general,  in  which 
he  said,  "  My  force  is,  as  you  know,  too  weak,  and  much 
overworked,  —  only  eight  hundred  men,  all  told,  to  guard 


322  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

between  eight  and  nine  thousand  prisoners.  I  am  certainly 
not  justified  in  waiting  to  take  risks,  and  mean  to  arrest 
these  officers,  if  possible,  before  morning." 

The  despatch  goes  off,  but  still  he  is  undecided.  If  he 
strikes  that  night,  Hines  may  escape,  for  the  fox  has  a  hole 
out  of  town,  and  may  keep  under  cover  until  morning. 
Besides,  the  Texan  would  go  out  of  prison  a  penniless  man 
among  strangers ;  and  those  ten  thousand  greenbacks  were 
lawful  prize,  and  should  be  the  country's  dower  with  the 
maiden.  But,  republics  are  grateful,  and  the  country 
would  deal  generously  by  the  Texan.  This  thought  decided 
him,  and  he  went  back  to  Camp  Douglas,  sent  for  the 
police,  and  got  his  bluecoats  ready.  At  two  o'clock  that 
Monday  morning,  they  swooped  to  the  prey,  and  within  an 
hour  a  hundred  strange  birds  were  in  the  talons  of  the 
eagle.  Such  another  haul  of  buzzards  and  night-hawks 
never  was  made  since  Michael  subdued  the  great  dragon 
and  the  dark  angels.  When  they  were  all  gathered  in, 
the  commandant  sat  down  and  wrote  another  despatch  ta 
his  general.  It  was  dated  Camp  Douglas,  Nov.  7th,  four 
o'clock  A.  M.,  and  said  : 

Have  made  during  the  night  the  following  arrests  of  rebel 
officers,  escaped  prisoners  of  war,  and  citizens  in  connection  with 
them: 

Morgan's  Adjutant-General,  Colonel  G.  St.  Leger  Grenfell,  in 
company  with  J.  T.  Shanks,  an  escaped  prisoner  of  war,  at  the 
Richmond  House,  Colonel  Vincent  Marmaduke,  brother  of  General 
Marmaduke,  Brigadier-General  Charles  Walsh,  of  the  Sons  of  Lib- 
erty, Captain  Cantrill,  of  Morgan's  command,  and  Charles  Traverse. 
Cantrill  and  Traverse  arrested  in  Walsh's  house,  in  which  were 
found  two  cartloads  of  large-size  revolvers,  loaded  and  capped,  two 
hundred  stands  of  muskets,  loaded,  and  ammunition.  Also  seized 
two  boxes  of  guns  concealed  in  a  room  in  the  city.  Also  arrested 
Buck  Morris,  treasurer  of  Sons  of  Liberty,  having  complete  proof 


THE  GEE  AT  CONSPIRACY.  323 

of  his  assisting  Shanks  to  escape  and  plotting  to  release  prisoners 
at  this  camp.  .  .  .  There  are  many  strangers  and  suspicious  persons 
in  the  city  believed  to  be  guerrillas  and  rebel  soldiers. 

In  the  same  report  the  commandant  writes  as  follows  of 
the  general  operations : 

Adopting  measures  which  proved  effective  to  detect  the  presence 
and  identify  the  persons  of  the  officers  and  leaders,  and  ascertain 
their  plans,  it  was  manifest  that  they  had  the  means  of  gathering 
a  force  considerably  larger  than  the  little  garrison  then  guarding 
between  eight  and  nine  thousand  prisoners  of  war  at  Camp  Douglas, 
and  that,  taking  advantage  of  the  excitement  and  the  large  number 
of  persons  who  would  fill  the  streets  on  election  night,  they  intended 
to  make  a  night  attack  on  and  surprise  this  camp,  release  and  arm 
the  prisoners  of  war,  cut  the  telegraph  wires,  burn  the  railroad 
depots,  seize  the  banks  and  stores  containing  arms  and  ammuuition, 
take  possession  of  the  city,  and  commence  a  campaign  for  the  re- 
lease of  other  prisoners  of  war  in  the  States  of  Illinois  and  Indiana, 
thus  organizing  an  army  to  effect  and  give  success  to  the  general 
uprising  so  long  contemplated  by  the  Sons  of  Liberty. 

At  the  Richmond  House  the  Texan  was  captured  when 
lying  in  bed  with  Grenfell.  They  were  put  into  irons,  and 
driven  off  to  Camp  Douglas  together.  A  few  days  later 
the  Texan,  in  relating  these  details  to  me,  while  the  com- 
mandant sat  near  by  at  his  desk  writing,  said:  "Words 
cannot  describe  my  relief  when  those  handcuffs  were  put 
upon  us.  At  times  before,  the  sense  of  responsibility  al- 
most overpowered  me.  Then  I  felt  like  a  man  who  had 
just  come  into  a  fortune.  The  wonder  to  me  now  is,  how 
the  colonel  could  have  trusted  so  much  to  a  rebel." 

"  Trusted ! "  echoed  the  commandant,  looking  up  from 
his  writing ;  "  I  had  faith  in  you ;  I  thought  you  wouldn't 
betray  me ;  but  I  trusted  your  own  life  in  your  own  hands, 
that  was  all.  Too  much  was  at  stake  to  do  more.  Your 
every  step  was  shadowed,  from  the  moment  you  left  this 


324  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

camp  till  you  came  back  to  it  in  irons.  Two  detectives 
were  constantly  at  your  back,  sworn  to  take  your  life  if  you 
wavered  for  half  a  second." 

"  Is  that  true  ?  "  asked  the  Texan  in  a  musing  way,  but 
without  moving  a  muscle.  "  I  didn't  know  it,  but  I  felt  it 
in  the  air." 

In  the  room  at  the  Richmond  House,  and  on  the  table 
around  which  was  discussed  the  diabolical  plan,  was  found 
a  slip  of  paper  on  which  was  scrawled  in  pencil  marks  : 

Colonel :  —  You  must  leave  this  house  to-night.  Go  to  the  Brigga 
House.  J.  FIELDING. 

Fielding  was  the  assumed  name  of  the  officer  who  bur- 
rowed with  Hines  out  of  town,  where  even  his  fellow  con- 
spirators did  not  know.  The  tone  of  the  note  indicates 
that  Hines  suspected  danger  from  the  Texan.  Beyond 
a  doubt  he  did.  Another  day  and  his  life  might  have  been 
the  forfeit,  and  had  not  Colonel  Sweet  acted  that  very 
night,  Camp  Douglas  might  have  been  sprung  upon  a  little 
too  suddenly.  So  he  was  not  an  hour  too  soon;  and  he 
was  justified  in  his  prompt  action,  though  it  cost  the 
Texan  the  dower  he  was  anxious  he  should  receive  with 
his  affianced  wife. 

A  shiver  of  genuine  horror  passed  over  Chicago  when  it 
awoke  on  the  following  morning.  From  mouth  to  mouth 
the  tidings  ran ;  fathers  clasped  their  children  in  their  arms, 
mothers  pressed  their  babes  to  their  bosoms,  appalled  at  the 
fearful  catastrophe  from  which  they  had  so  narrowly  es- 
caped. And  well  they  might  be  affrighted,  for  no  imagi- 
nation can  picture  the  horrors  that  would  have  followed 
the  falling  of  such  an  avalanche  upon  the  sleeping  city. 
"One  hour  of  such  a  catastrophe  would  destroy  the  crea- 
tions of  a  quarter  of  a  century,  and  expose  the  homes  of 


THE  GREAT  CONSPIRACY.  325 

nearly  two  hundred  thousand  souls  to  every  conceivable 
form  of  desecration." l  The  event  would  have  had  no 
parallel  in  savage  history. 

On  the  following  day  the  men  of  Chicago  went  to  the 
polls  and  voted  for  Abraham  Lincoln  and  the  Union,  and 
thus  told  the  world  what  honest  Illinois  thought  of  the 
miscreants  who  had  devised  this  diabolical  plot  to  aid  in 
the  destruction  of  their  country. 

But  the  danger  was  not  entirely  over.  Hines  and  other 
leaders  of  the  conspiracy  were  yet  at  large,  and  thousands 
of  armed  men  were  still  ready  for  an  outbreak  at  a  signal 
from  these  leaders.  It  was  election  day.  Excited  crowds 
thronged  the  streets,  and  mingled  among  them  were  the 
armed  and  lawless  bushwhackers.  A  spark  only  was 
needed  to  start  a  conflagration ;  but  the  commandant  was 
equal  to  the  occasion.  The  merchants  had  spontaneously 
come  together  hi  the  Exchange,  to  consider  the  peril  of  the 
situation,  and  hearing  of  this,  he  sent  them  word  to  arm 
themselves,  and  to  give  a  musket  to  every  man  who  could 
be  trusted.  On  the  instant  two  hundred  volunteered,  and 
before  noon  of  that  day  probably  not  less  than  a  thousand 
were  patrolling  every  avenue  and  by-way  of  the  city.  All 
that  day,  and  all  that  night,  and  all  the  following  day,  they 
made  the  weary  rounds,  —  young  men  and  old,  some  on 
foot,  some  on  horseback,  and  among  the  latter  many  who 
had  not  been  in  a  saddle  for  a  twelvemonth,  until  at  last 
Chicago  went  to  its  slumbers  in  security. 

Meanwhile,  searches  were  going  on,  and  arrests  being 
made  hourly.  To  the  "  birds  "  already  bagged  was  soon 
added  another  flock  of  two  hundred.  The  sorrier  sort,  in 
butternut  brown,  were  emptied  into  an  old  church,  where 
they  might  bewail  their  sins,  and  pray  for  their  country. 

*  Chicago  Tribune,  Nov.  8, 1864. 


326  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

Those  of  gayer  plumage  were  caged  in  the  dark  cells  of 
Camp  Douglas.  Rare  "birds"  they  were:  an  embryo 
Semmes,  a  city  attorney,  a  would-be  sheriff,  and  a  would-be 
governor,  —  would-be  assassins,  all  of  them. 

The  president  and  secretary  of  the  Illini  were  arrested, 
and  then  the  lodges  of  the  worshipful  order  were  invaded. 
The  members  had  met  often  since  the  first  arrests  were 
made,  but  they  had  come  together  with  greater  secrecy, 
redoubled  their  vigilance,  changed  their  passwords,  and 
subjected  to  closer  questioning  every  one  who  was  admitted. 
They  were  biding  their  time,  swearing  in  new  members, 
and  preparing  to  strike  under  other  and,  perhaps,  abler 
leaders ;  but  these  visits  of  the  crippled  veterans  of  Camp 
Douglas  disturbed  their  dreams,  and  they  scattered  like 
wolves  chased  by  firebrands. 

On  the  Friday  night  following  the  election  the  loyal  men 
and  women  of  Chicago  came  together  to  rejoice  over  the 
presidential  victory  which  had  saved  the  life  of  the  nation. 
Thousands  upon  thousands  had  come  together,  and  Colonel 
Sweet,  the  commandant,  had  been  urgently  pressed  to  be 
present  on  the  occasion.  When  he  appeared,  cheer  after 
cheer  went  up  from  the  vast  assemblage,  till  the  very  walls 
of  the  huge  building  echoed  the  enthusiasm  of  the  people. 
In  response  to  a  universal  call,  he  arose,  and  when  the 
tumult  of  applause  had  somewhat  subsided,  he  said: 
"I  thank  you  for  this  cordial  greeting.  I  came  here  to 
celebrate  with  you  our  great  victory.  Four  years  ago, 
when  I  entered  the  army,  I  cast  aside  politics,  and  now 
I  know  only  loyal  men  and  traitors.  The  loyal  men  have 
triumphed,  but  our  victory  is  not  complete.  We  must 
crush  out  every  vestige  of  treason  in  the  North ;  and,  if 
the  Government  give  me  power,  I  will  do  my  part  in  the 
work  of  subjugation." 


THE  GREAT  CONSPIRACY.  327 

Colonel  Sweet  was  a  man  of  only  moderate  means,  and 
in  employing  detectives  to  shadow  the  newly  arrived 
Butternuts,  and  to  unearth  the  hidden  conspirators,  he 
had  been  obliged  to  expend  about  a  thousand  dollars  from 
his  own  slender  resources.  Hearing  of  this,  the  patriotic 
ladies  of  the  First  Baptist  Church  in  Chicago  collected 
that  sum  of  money,  and,  investing  it  in  a  United  States 
bond,  caused  it  to  be  presented  to  him  by  the  Hon.  George 
C.  Bates,  at  a  meeting  called  for  the  purpose.  In  re- 
sponse to  the  remarks  of  Mr.  Bates  on  the  occasion,  the 
commandant  modestly  said : 

"  Sir,  I  thank  you  for  the  gracious  and  eloquent  manner 
in  which  you  have  made  this  presentation,  and  the  fair 
ladies  of  the  First  Baptist  Church,  in  whose  behalf  you 
have  spoken.  ...  In  whatever  has  been  done  here  of  late 
to  foil  the  enemy  and  protect  Chicago,  the  officers  and 
enlisted  men  of  the  small,  patient,  willing  garrison  of 
Camp  Douglas,  rather  than  myself,  deserve  gratitude  and 
commendation. 

"I  accept  this  thousand-dollar  bond  in  the  same  spirit 
in  which  it  is  given,  and  gratefully  hope  to  be  able  to  send 
it  as  an  heirloom  down  through  the  generations  which 
shall  come  after  me,  gaining  traditional  and  intrinsic  value 
as  the  story  of  this  war  is  told,  and  the  Government  now 
assailed,  and  by  which  it  was  issued,  stands  firm  and 
proudly  against  all  assaults  of  hatred  or  foreign  intrigue 
from  without,  or  of  faction  or  insurrection  from  within, 
growing  in  wealth,  prosperity,  population,  freedom,  and 
national  glory,  grandeur,  and  power  through  the  ages. 

"  Sir,  your  kind  words  and  the  manifestations  of  this 
audience  make  me  feel  that  henceforward  I  have  two 
homes :  one  in  my  own  beloved  and  true  State  of  Wiscon- 
sin, in  the  little  county  of  Calumet,  which  to-night  nestles 


328  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

my  loved  ones  from  the  cold,  under  its  mantle  of  snow ; 
where  every  rivulet  and  old  rock  are  dear  to  me,  —  among 
a  brave,  honest,  and  patriotic  people,  where  there  are  whole 
towns  in  which  scarcely  an  able-bodied  man  remains  who 
has  not  volunteered,  been  clothed  in  blue,  and  taught  the 
use  of  arms  in  defending  those  free  institutions  around 
which  the  hopes  of  mankind  cluster ;  and  another  home  in 
the  hearts  of  the  noble-minded  and  generous  men  and 
women  of  this  marvellous  metropolis  of  the  Northwest,  the 
munificent  and  loyal  city  of  Chicago." 

As  soon  as  he  had  read  the  newspaper  accounts  of  the 
suppression  of  the  attempted  outbreak  at  Camp  Douglas, 
Mr.  Stanton,  the  Secretary  of  War,  telegraphed  Colonel 
Sweet,  "Hold  your  prisoners  and  arms  captured  at  all 
hazards.  Your  energetic  action  meets  with  the  approval 
of  this  Department."  And  soon  afterwards  President 
Lincoln  promoted  him  to  a  brigadier-generalship  in  the 
volunteer  army. 

But  J.  T.  Shanks,  the  Texan,  without  whose  help  the 
commandant  could  not  have  apprehended  the  leaders  of 
the  conspiracy,  was  cast  upon  the  world  with  not  a  friend 
or  a  dollar ;  and,  worse  than  that,  he  was  left  in  daily 
danger  of  assassination,  and  for  safety  was  forced  to 
shelter  himself,  day  and  night,  within  the  enclosure  of 
Camp  Douglas.  The  important  part  he  had  taken  in 
arresting  the  chief  conspirators  gradually  leaked  out,  and 
it  soon  coming  to  the  ears  of  the  agents  of  the  conspiracy 
in  Canada,  they  offered  a  thousand  dollars  in  gold  to 
whoever  should  take  his  life,  as  the  due  reward  for  his 
treachery  to  the  Southern  cause.  This  led  to  the  banding 
together  of  a  number  of  assassins  in  Chicago,  pledged  to  ac- 
complish that  object,  and  to  divide  the  reward  between  them. 

These  men  went  boldly  about  the  work,  even  seeking  for 


THE  GREAT  CONSPIRACY.  329 

the  Texan  within  the  walls  of  Camp  Douglas ;  but  in  this 
they  were  foiled  by  the  astuteness  of  the  Commandant, 
who,  anticipating  some  such  design,  had  given  strict 
orders  against  the  admission  of  any  stranger  within  the 
prison  grounds  without  a  written  pass  from  himself,  or  his 
chief  subordinate,  Captain  Sponable.  Then  he  proposed  to 
secure  for  Shanks  some  appointment  in  the  Union  army, 
where  his  pay  would  suffice  for  the  support  of  himself  and 
the  young  lady  to  whom  he  was  betrothed.  This  kindly 
proffer  the  Texan  felt  obliged  to  decline  for  the  reason  that 
he  could  not  fight  his  native  State,  or  come  in  conflict 
with  his  life-long  friends  and  associates. 

In  these  circumstances  the  Texan  wrote  to  me,  stating 
his  situation,  and  requesting  that  I  would  use  my  influence 
to  secure  for  him  a  position  in  some  commercial  house  in 
New  York  or  Boston,  where  his  clerical  knowledge  might 
enable  him  to  give  a  decent  livelihood  to  the  noble  woman 
who  was  content  to  share  his  fortunes,  whatever  they  might 
be.  I  at  once  made  personal  application  to  such  business 
friends  as  I  had  in  both  cities,  but  to  no  avail.  All  were 
full-handed,  and  several  of  them  were  holding  their  old 
employees  on  at  reduced  pay  to  keep  the  wolf  from  the 
door.  At  the  end  of  a  week  of  this  fruitless  effort,  I 
wrote  to  Shanks  of  the  result,  and  said  that  I  would  go 
direct  to  President  Lincoln,  of  whom  I  had  never  asked 
a  favor,  and  I  thought  that  in  the  goodness  of  his  heart 
he  would  find  a  respectable  position  for  him  in  some 
one  of  the  departments,  with  an  income  sufficient  to  his 
requirements. 

Accordingly,  that  night  I  went  on  to  Washington,  and 
early  on  the  following  morning  called  upon  Mr.  Lincoln. 
I  found  him  in  excellent  spirits,  and  I  soon  got  him  in 
decidedly  good-humor  by  opening  to  him  the  budget  of 


330  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

laughable  stories  I  had  gathered  since  our  last  interview,— 
a  thing  he  was  always  sure  to  call  for  on  every  convenient 
occasion.     At  last  I  broached  the  real  object  of  my  visit  by 
asking  if  he  had  seen  any  full  account  of  the  suppression 
of  the  attempted  outbreak  at  Camp  Douglas. 

He  had  seen,  he  said,  Colonel  Sweet's  report,  and  what 
had  been  published  about  it  in  the  Chicago  newspapers, 
but  for  a  long  time  he  had  believed  in  the  existence  of  the 
treasonable  organization.  That  was  the  real  reason  he  had 
neglected  to  appoint  Judge  Edmonds  to  investigate  the 
New  York  riots.  Both  outbreaks  were  fruits  of  the  same 
tree,  and  if  we  shook  the  tree  we  might  get  more  of  its 
fruit  than  we  could  conveniently  handle.  Did  I  know 
anything  more  of  the  outbreak  than  had  been  published  ? 

"  Yes,"  I  answered,  "  I  know  all  about  it,  —  all  its  inside 
history,  and  it  is  one  of  the  most  dramatic  episodes  of  the 
war.  During  the  week  after  election  I  lectured  for  three 
successive  nights  before  the  Young  Men's  Christian  Associ- 
ation of  Chicago,  and  all  of  the  intervening  days  I  passed 
in  Camp  Douglas,  where  Colonel  Sweet  opened  everything 
to  me.  He  is  a  rare  and  true  man,  exactly  fitted  for  the 
work  he  had  to  do,  and  his  services  deserve  the  recognition 
you  have  given  them ;  but,  after  all,  it  was  a  woman  who 
saved  Chicago,  and  rolled  up  that  tremendous  vote  the  city 
gave  you  at  the  election." 

"  A  woman ! "  he  said.     "  How  was  that  ?     Tell  me." 

"  "Tis  a  long  story,  and  you  haven't  time  now ;  a  half- 
dozen  were  waiting  for  you  when  I  came  in." 

He  ran  his  eye  over  a  number  of  cards  that  lay  before 
him  on  the  table,  and  said,  "  Not  one  of  them  has  any 
special  business  with  me,  so  go  on;  I  can  give  you  the 
whole  forenoon.  But  tell  me,  have  you  seen  the  Governor 
since  he  got  back  ?  " 


THE  GREAT  CONSPIRACY.  331 

"  Yes.  I  met  him  by  appointment  in  New  York,  and  he 
made  me  tell  all  that  I  knew,  —  as  you  do  usually;  and 
he  told  me  of  all  his  transactions  in  Europe,  and  besides 
a  little  thing  about  yourself  that  I  had  not  so  much  as 
suspected." 

"  And  what  was  that  ?  "  he  asked,  smiling. 

"  I  had  told  him  that  I  thought  it  was  a  magnanimous 
thing  in  you  to  invite  Mr.  Chase  to  confer  with  you  about 
the  terms  to  be  offered  to  the  Confederacy,  when  you  knew 
he  was  sadly  disgruntled  over  your  having  so  recently  asked 
him  to  step  down  and  out  from  the  Treasury ;  at  which  he 
laughed,  saying  he  had  thought  I  could  see  an  elephant 
without  an  eyeglass ;  that  you  had  invited  Chase  because 
you  intended  to  offer  compensation  for  the  slaves,  and  you 
wanted  his  approval  of  it,  because  that  would  shut  the 
mouths  of  the  Abolitionists,  who  would  be  sure  to  censure 
you  fiercely  for  any  such  proposal." 

"Then  you  are  not  so  astute  as  the  Governor.  I  fear 
it  won't  do  to  send  you  on  another  mission  to  Richmond. 
But,  now,  Mr.  Envoy  Extraordinary,  let  me  have  the  Camp 
Douglas  story." 

I  then  went  on  with  a  detailed  account  of  the  entire 
event,  laying  special  stress  on  the  part  that  Shanks  took 
in  it,  and  repeating  the  words  his  affianced  used  to  him,— 
"  Do  your  duty.     Blot  out  your  record  of  treason." 

At  this,  he  said,  "  She  is  a  noble  woman,  and  he  must 
be  a  good  deal  of  a  man  to  have  won  the  love  of  such 
a  woman." 

"  I  judge  him  to  be  so,  and  he  turned  himself  inside  out 
to  me  during  our  three  days'  intercourse.  I  received  a 
letter  from  him  about  ten  days  ago  that  is  the  finest 
specimen  of  chirography  I  have  ever  seen.  I  have  it  in 
my  pocket.  Would  you  not  like  to  see  it  ?  " 


332  PERSONAL  RECOLLECTIONS. 

He  expressed  the  desire,  and  I  handed  him  the  letter  in 
which  Shanks  explained  his  circumstances,  and  requested 
me  to  assist  him.  He  glanced  casually  at  it,  saying,  "  It 
certainly  is  beautifully  written,  and  with  all  the  ease  of 
ordinary  penmanship ; "  then,  as  if  something  special  had 
caught  his  eye,  he  asked,  "  Do  you  mean  that  I  shall 
read  it?" 

"  Yes,  if  you  please ;  that  is  why  I  have  brought  it 
with  me." 

The  letter  was  a  long  one,  but  before  he  had  read 
through  the  first  page  he  said,  "  Ah,  I  see  why  you  have 
shown  me  this ;  you  think  a  wink  is  as  good  as  a  nod  to  a 
blind  horse." 

"Yes,  but  either  is  more  effective  if  the  horse  is  not 
blind." 

"  Well,  he  is  not  —  not  entirely  so ;  but  let  me  read  the 
rest  of  this." 

This  done,  he  said,  "  He  says  Sweet  has  proposed  to  get 
for  him  a  captaincy  in  some  Union  regiment.  What  do 
you  think  I  ought  to  do  for  him?" 

"  I  have  thought  you  might  find  a  suitable  place  for  him 
in  some  one  of  the  departments." 

"  What !  A  mere  clerkship  for  a  man  who  has  the 
nerve  to  take  his  life  in  his  hand,  and  do  a  great  deed 
for  such  a  woman  ?  No,  he  has  the  right  stuff  in  him,  and 
she  will  keep  him  straight.  He  should  be  where  he  will 
have  a  chance  for  promotion.  Suppose  I  make  him 
captain  in  one  of  the  Western  regiments,  where  there 
will  be  no  possibility  of  his  coming  in  conflict  with  his 
old  friends?" 

"  That  would  do  beautifully.  May  I  write  him  that  you 
will  do  that?" 

"  Yes,  and  say  that  if  there  is  any  position  he  would  like 


THE  GREAT  CONSPIEACT.  333 

better,  he  must  let  you  know ;  that  I  will  do  all  that  I  can 
for  him  on  the  condition  that  he  marries  that  young  lady. 
And  ask  him  to  tell  her  that  I  hope  God  will  bless  her  for 
what  she  has  done  for  the  country." 

The  Texan  married  the  young  lady,  and  gratefully 
accepted  a  captaincy  in  a  Union  regiment  stationed  in  the 
far  West.  Several  of  his  letters  to  me  are  in  the  historical 
library  of  the  Johns  Hopkins  University ;  the  only  one  I 
have  now  at  hand  is  dated  Camp  Rankin,  Colorado  Terri- 
tory, August  5,  1865,  and  it  so  well  expresses  the  spirit  of 
the  man  that  I  am  tempted  to  quote  a  portion  of  it.  In  it 
he  says : 

The  assistance  I  rendered  the  military  authorities  in  detecting 
the  rebel  officers  was  prompted  solely  by  patriotic  principle,  and  not 
by  the  hope  of  any  future  aggrandizement.  By  doing  what  I  did, 
I  have  incurred  the  ill-will  of  many  thousands  whom  I  regard  as 
worse  enemies  than  the  bitterest  rebels  ever  confined  at  Camp 
Douglas.  I  feel  very  grateful  for  the  honor  conferred  on  me, — 
the  commission  of  captain  in  the  United  States  Army,  —  and  also 
proud  that  I  again  possess  the  confidence  and  good-will  of  the  best 
government  that  ever  existed,  and  my  pride  and  ambition  will  ever 
be  to  show,  by  my  acts,  that  I  merit  its  confidence. 

One  day,  during  the  Civil  War,  I  met  on  a  railway  in 
Michigan  a  man  who  said  to  me,  "  Sir,  I  used  to  be  an 
atheist,  but  watching  the  progress  of  the  war,  and  seeing 
how  all  its  events  have  worked  together  to  secure  the  free- 
dom of  all  men,  I  have  become  convinced  that  there  is 
a  Great  Intelligence  who  governs  the  universe,  and  has 
this  country  in  his  especial  keeping."  I  never  doubted 
this  great  truth,  but  an  inside  knowledge  of  some  of  the 
pivotal  events  of  the  war  confirmed  my  belief  in  it,  and 
satisfied  me  that  Abraham  Lincoln  was  His  selected  instru- 
ment to  conduct  this  nation  in  its  onward  career  to  a 
great  destiny. 


INDEX. 


Adams,  Colonel  Julias  W.,  191. 

Allston,  ex-Governor  of  South  Carolina.  His  declaration  of  the  purposes 
of  the  Confederacy  in  the  spring  of  1861,  231,  232. 

Benjamin,  Judah  P.,  Confederate  Secretary  of  State,  258 ;  receives  us  at 
the  State  Department  in  Richmond,  259-272,  287. 

Butler,  General  Benjamin  F.,  247.  First  meeting  with  him,  250;  a  visit 
at  his  headquarters,  250-253. 

Cameron,  Simon.  The  author  introduced  by  him  to  Abraham  Lincoln, 
13;  communicates  account  of  the  first  Cabinet  session  after  fall  of 
Fort  Sumter,  23-29 ;  his  plan  for  subduing  the  revolted  States,  25-26. 

•Carleton,  George  W.,  declines  to  publish  the  book  "Among  the  Pines," 
71 ;  subsequently  assumes  its  publication  at  a  royalty  of  twenty-five 
per  cent.,  73. 

Carpenter,  Inspector,  1 88,  189. 

Chase,  Salmon  P.,  29,  50.  In  conference  with  President  Lincoln,  242-247, 
292. 

Conspiracy,  The  great  Western,  294-333.  Its  extent  and  connection  with 
the  Richmond  leaders,  294-295;  its  outbreak  to  be  the  capture  of 
Camp  Douglas  and  other  military  prisons;  suppressed  by  Colonel 
Benjamin  J.  Sweet;  description  of  him  and  of  Camp  Douglas,  298- 
303;  Colonel  Sweet's  -watchfulness  and  sagacity,  303-310;  he  employs 
J.  T.  Shanks,  a  Texas  ranger,  to  detect  and  apprehend  the  leading 
conspirators,  312-324;  he  saved  Chicago  from  destruction,  325-326; 
President  Lincoln  rewards  Shanks  by  a  commission  in  the  United 
States  Army. 

Davis,  Jefferson,  17, 30.  Interview  with  him,  and  his  views  on  "  self-govern- 
ment," 261-272. 

Davis,  Teff  Cn  127. 

Ducat,  Arthur  C.,  124,  125. 


336  INDEX. 

Edmonds,  Judge  John  W.  An  article  of  his  in  the  Contitiental  Monthly 
commented  on  by  President  Lincoln,  80 ;  consents  to  investigate  the 
origin  of  the  New  York  riots,  198. 

Garesche,  129,  130. 

Garfield,  General  James  A.  A  description  of  him,  118;  Rosecrans's  esti- 
mate of  him,  123;  camp-meeting  in  his  quarters,  125-131 ;  his  opinion 
of  Rosecrans,  145,  222-226. 

Gay,  Sidney  Howard,  managing  editor  of  the  New  York  Tribune,  81,  89- 
90,  94,  151.  His  heroic  devotion  to  duty  during  the  New  York  riots 
of  1863,  169-200. 

Grant,  General  U.  S.,  90,  97,  156.  He  defeats  the  Wilmington  expedition, 
226-228  ;  his  personal"  appearance,  249;  refuses  to  pass  the  writer  into 
the  Confederate  lines,  but  alters  his  decision  on  hearing  from  Presi- 
dent Lincoln,  252,  253. 

Great  Uprising,  and  great  meeting  in  New  York  City,  33-35. 

Greeley,  Horace,  the  author's  first  interview  with,  39-48 ;  regrets  his  nom- 
ination of  President  Lincoln,  42 ;  doubts  the  ability  of  the  North  to 
subdue  the  Southern  States,  and  questions  if  it  were  not  wise  to  let 
them  depart  in  peace,  46 ;  his  proposal  to  secure  advance  news  of  gov- 
ernmental policy,  46;  opinion  of  Robert  T.  Walker,  55;  his  feeling 
towards  President  Lincoln,  63  ;  his  dissatisfaction  with  him,  82,  90-92, 
97,  101 ;  his  emotion  on  hearing  of  the  battle  of  Chancellorsville,  103, 
151,  167;  forbids  the  arming  of  the  Tribune  building  during  the  riots, 
170;  the  arming  of  the  Tribune  to  resist  the  rioters,  173,  174,  181- 
185;  his  reckless  bravery  in  the  riots,  193-194;  his  opinion  of  them, 
199;  his  character  and  characteristic  anecdotes  of  him,  200-205. 

Grenfell,  Colonel  St.  Leger,  311,  316-323. 

Hall,  A.  Oakey.  His  zealous  patriotism,  51 ;  writes  for  the  Continental 
Monthly,  68. 

Hines,  Captain,  310,  317-319,  322-324. 

Hooker,  General,  95,  96,  103. 

Jaquess,  Colonel  James  F.  First  interview  with  him,  137-141 ;  General 
Garfield's  letter  about  him,  164;  President  Lincoln's  anxiety  for  his 
safety,  165 ;  his  reception  within  the  Confederate  lines,  165,  233-241, 
246-291. 

Javins,  Charles,  255-259,  274-276. 

Kidder,  Edward,  208-218. 

Kidder,  Frederic.  His  plan  for  subduing  the  South,  21,  22 ;  writes  for  the 
Continental  Monthly,  68 ;  notice  of  him  and  of  his  plan  for  the  con- 
quest of  the  revolted  States,  206-229 !  meets  General  Grant  with  Gov- 
ernor Andrew,  228. 

Kirkland,  Caroline  M.  (Mary  Clavers),  suggests  the  book  "Among  the 
Pines,"  65. 


INDEX.  337 

Langhorn,  Colonel  Maurice,  309-312. 

Leland,  Charles  Godfrey,  editor  of  the  Knickerbocker.  His  great  ability  as 
a  political  writer,  37 ;  chosen  editor  of  the  Continental  Monthly,  38 ; 
his  enthusiastic  work  on  the  Continental  Monthly,  68 ;  brief  sketch  of 
him,  69 ;  the  important  work  done  by  him  in  arousing  the  public  to 
the  necessity  of  emancipation,  86,  87. 

Lincoln,  Abraham.  The  author's  first  interview  with  him  on  April  13, 
1861,  13-22;  his  personal  appearance,  14;  expresses  a  readiness  to 
emancipate  the  slaves  as  a  war  measure,  in  obedience  to  the  over- 
whelming sentiment  of  the  North ;  is  struck  by  the  plan  of  the  British 
Cabinet  for  subduing  the  revolted  colonies  in  the  Revolution,  21,  42, 
43 ;  letter  of  his  to  Robert  J.  Walker,  to  be  shown  to  Horace  Greeley, 
54 ;  his  course  in  the  Trent  affair  stated  by  himself,  55 ;  his  first  con- 
ception of  an  Emancipation  Proclamation,  November,  1861,  57-62 ;  cir- 
cumstances attending  the  issue  of  "  The  Emancipation  Proclamation," 
75,  76,  84,  85 ;  his  remarkable  memory,  78 ;  combination  among  the 
Republican  leaders  in  opposition  to  his  administration,  97-102 ;  de- 
clines any  conversation  respecting  the  visit  of  Colonel  Jaquess  to  the 
Confederate  leaders,  150;  forbids  army  aid  to  a  negro  insurrection, 
151;  interview  with  him  about  Jaquess,  156-162;  his  view  of  com- 
pensate emancipation,  158,  159;  declines  to  investigate  the  origin, of 
the  New  York  riots,  199;  dictates  a  letter  to  Governor  Vance,  of 
North  Carolina,  in  reference  to  peace  proposals,  215,  216;  recom- 
mends communications  to  pass  through  General  Garfield,  222 ;  his 
view  of  the  war,  228,  229,  235 ;  outlines  the  terms  of  peace  he  would 
grant  the  Confederacy,  242-245 ;  advises  publication  in  the  Atlantic 
Monthly  of  a  report  of  the  "  Peace  Mission"  of  1864,  289;  rewards  J. 
T.  Shanks  for  his  services  in  defeating  the  intended  attack  upon  Camp 
Douglas  by  a  commission  in  the  United  States  Army,  332. 

Longstreet,  General,  165. 

Marmaduke,  Colonel,  308,  311-318,  322. 

McClellan,  General,  75,  82,  232. 

Negley,  General,  128. 

Ould,  Robert,  Confederate  Commissioner  of  Exchange,  249,  251 ;  his 
gentlemanly  treatment  of  us  in  Richmond,  255-288. 

Palmer,  General,  127. 

Parton,  James,  168.     His  account  of  the  New  York  draft  riots,  171-177. 

P»ce  Mission  of  1864.  Preliminaries  to  it,  229-247 ;  report  of  same,  248- 
291. 

Pope,  General,  128. 

Porter,  William,  131. 

Price,  General  Sterling,  295,  296. 

Richmond,  Our  visit  to,  in  July,  1864,  248-293. 


INDEX. 

Rosecrans,  General  William  S.,  91,  97,  100-103,  114-125;  declines  a  nom- 
ination for  the  Presidency,  145-147 ;  approves  of  Colonel  Jaquess 
visiting  the  Confederate  leaders,  140,  141  ;  his  dissatisfaction  with 
Secretary  Stanton,  141,  142;  refuses  to  sanction  a  proposed  negro 
insurrection,  142-144;  an  estimate  of  him,  153,  294. 

Seward,  William  H.,  20,  24.  His  opposition  to  coercive  measures  applied 
to  the  South,  29,  33,  34,  42,  43 ;  his  waning  influence  with  President 
Lincoln,  50,  51 ;  disapproves  of  the  Continental  Monthly,  69-91. 

Shanks,  J.  T.,  312-324,  328-333. 

Sheridan,  General  Philip  H.  Rosecrans's  estimate  of  him,  124;  an  inter- 
view with  him,  128-130. 

Stanley,  General,  126,  127,  131. 

Stanton,  Secretary,  91,  92,  125,  141,  154-156. 

Stevens,  Alex.,  17. 

Streight,  Colonel  A.  D.,  282,  283. 

Sweet,  Colonel  Benjamin  J.,  297-332. 

Thomas,  General  George  H.  A  description  of  him,  121 ;  invites  Union 
men  to  meet  the  writer,  213. 

Thompson,  Jacob,  295-299,  309,  311. 

Travel  in  war  time,  104-113;  at  the  receipt  of  custom,  106,  107;  alarm 
from  guerillas,  108,  109;  a  strange  passenger,  110-113. 

Tribune  (New  York)  in  the  draft  riots,  168-197. 

Turchin,  General,  127. 

Turner,  Major,  the  notorious  keeper,  conducts  us  through  Libby  Prison, 
279-286. 

Van  Cleve,  General,  126. 

Vance,  Governor,  209,  227. 

Walker,  Robert  J.  The  author's  meeting  him  in  Washington,  D.  C.,. 
April  13,  1 86 1,  9;  his  personal  appearance  and  remarkable  career,  10- 
12;  predicts  a  long  war,  but  the  future  union  and  greatness  of  this 
country,  29-32  ;  his  opinion  of  slavery,  35-36 ;  his  great  speech  in  New 
York  City,  34,  35,  40,  41,  49-51 ;  declines  the  position  of  Secretary  of 
State  in  President  Lincoln's  Cabinet,  51 ;  advises  President  Lincoln's 
course  in  the  Trent  affair,  56 ;  his  pleasure  at  the  first  appearance  of 
the  Continental  Monthly,  67  ;  his  statement  of  the  country  at  the  close 
of  1862,  87, 88  ;  he  goes  to  Europe  as  financial  agent  for  the  Govern- 
ment in  March,  1863,  where  he  negotiates  two  hundred  and  fifty 
millions  of  the  United  States  5-20  bonds,  88 ;  estimate  of  him  as  a 
financier,  89,  222,  223. 


